segunda-feira, agosto 20, 2007

Timor-Leste's Petroleum Fund

ETAN - East Timor List – Mon, 20 Aug 2007 17:05

There is a lot of misinformation circulating about Fretilin's policies, in particular the use (or not) of revenue from the Petroleum Fund.

It is not true to say that the Fretilin Government has not spent any of the petroleum revenue, nor that transferring Timor Leste’s petroleum revenue directly into the US Federal Reserve has prevented Timor-Leste's development.

The Petroleum Fund Law requires that all petroleum revenue be deposited into the Petroleum Fund as a means of trying to prevent that revenue being deposited into the hands of corrupt politicians as we have seen in Nigeria and other countries who have been cursed by their natural resource wealth. The Law requires that Parliament (not just the Government, Fretilin or otherwise) determines how much petroleum revenue is withdrawn from the Fund.

It is true to say that Fretilin has not spent more than a sustainable amount of revenue from the Petroleum Fund in any year since its establishment. This is a good thing for so many reasons, a couple of which are:

- (as Helen Hill mentioned) petroleum is not a renewable resource, and the Fretilin Government established these mechanisms to manage its petroleum revenue so that Timor-Leste would not end up like (e.g.) Nauru (going from having rich per capita wealth to one of the poorest).

- Budget Execution. The reasons why Budget execution is poor are complex and I do not have the time to explain them, but suffice to say, if more revenue is withdrawn from the Petroleum Fund than the bureaucracy can administer, this will not just result in a 'little waste' (or however it was Damien Kingsbury put it) but will weaken the institutions of financial management and provide further incentive for corruption, and a great deal of waste.

My PhD is titled 'Sustainable development or resource cursed? An exploration of Timor-Leste's institutional choices' and it will be available electronically (hopefully by the end of the year). My research is an exploration of the mechanisms the Government of Timor-Leste put in place to avoid the problems that other countries with a huge influx of natural resource wealth have encountered. I have studied this topic and interviewed over 60 East Timorese from all walks of life about their preferences in terms of petroleum revenue management. Having spent four years doing that, I know that many Timorese, and I, think the Petroleum Fund Law and the systems the Fretilin Government put in place to manage petroleum revenue are wise. If the new Government continues with these plans, and improves the systems of procurement and budget execution, Timor-Leste will continue on its long path to sustainable development.

Neither Fretilin nor CNRT can be held entirely responsible for the pace of progress in this wonderful country that we all passionately want to see 'make it'.

I am not interested in having a public debate on ETAN about this. I welcome your emails to me on an individual basis, and anyone that wants to be copied in on the discussion can let me know.

I don't subscribe to ETAN so that I can wade through paragraphs of diatribe, and I don't wish to subject you to a discussion you have no time or inclination to participate in. I enjoy the news and the occasional informative and well-considered opinion, but boys, please give your egos a rest.

best wishes
Jen Drysdale

Aussies 'had better go home': Alkatiri ups the stakes in East Timor

Blog Reading the Maps
Monday, August 20, 2007

The leader of East Timor's largest political party has denounced the Australian troops occupying his country, saying 'they had better go home because they are not neutral'.

Mari Alkatiri, the Secretary of the Fretilin party, made his call after Australian troops waded into an anti-government protest held in a village near the East Timorese capital Dili yesterday.
The Aussies provoked fury by ripping down two Fretilin flags and wiping their backsides with them.

Yesterday's incident came in amidst continuing protests against an Australian-backed government that is widely seen as illegitimate. Although it won the largest number of seats in parliamentary elections held last month, Fretilin was snubbed by East Timor's pro-Australian President Jose Ramos-Horta, who invited his close political ally Xanana Gusmao to form a government. Gusmao and Horta's National Congress for Timorese Reconciliation party won only 22% of the vote in the elections, and Gusmao's inauguration as Prime Minister on August the 8th sparked big protests in Dili and in the eastern towns of Bacau and Viqueque.

When the Australian and New Zealand troops and police who comprise the majority of the UN-sponsored 'International Stabilisation Force' tried to shut the protests down rioting broke out. Vehicles carrying Anzacs were stoned, and buildings associated with the UN, the Australian government, and the CNRT were burnt. Ambushers fired shots at a convoy of UN vehicles on a road south of Baucau.

In some places criminal gangs joined in the riots, attacking civilians and churches and looting shops. In Baucau, a gang broke into a convent and raped several girls. The government and its Anzac allies have used the criminals as an excuse to launch a campaign of repression against their political opponents. In the four days after Gusmao's inauguration as Prime Minister, the International Stabilisation Force fired more than two thousand rounds of tear gas at protesters. Dozens of peaceful protesters were arrested for 'blocking the road'.

Comparing protesters to the pro-Indonesian militia that killed hundreds of East Timorese in 1999, Horta and Gusmao have warned that civil servants who take to the streets could lose their jobs. Such a threat carries much weight, in a country where 50% of the population is unemployed and the public sector offers the best hope of well-paid work. The new government has also tried to discourage protesters by insisting that they must apply for a permit to march through public streets a full twenty-one days in advance.

Anzac troops and police have often been accused of using their muscle to interfere in the politics of East Timor. Fretilin complained about Australian harassment of its election workers and candidates during the elections earlier this year, and in February big protests broke out in Dili after Australian soldiers killed two youths who had been demonstrating against the destruction of a refugee camp near the city's airport.

Alkatiri was Prime Minister of East Timor until the middle of last year, when he was forced to resign by the Anzac force that had arrived in his country in the aftermath of rioting that killed thirty-seven people. Alkatiri and other Fretilin leaders have argued that the Australian government stirred up the riots, and then used Anzac troops to force him to relinquish power in favour of Horta.

The left-wing journalist and long-time observer of East Timor John Pilger has backed Alkatiri's claims. Pilger believes that the Howard government wanted an ally in Dili who would agree to greater Australian control over the rich oil and gas reserves under the seas off Timor. Alkatiri had angered Canberra and its ally in Washington by playing hardball over the oil reserves, refusing to support Bush's War or Terror, and bringing Cuban medics to East Timor. Horta, by contrast, is an outspoken supporter of the invasion of Iraq who calls John Howard a personal friend and has taken a conciliatory attitude in negotiations over oil.

Alkatiri has also found support for his complaints amongst the leaders of some of East Timor's neighbours. Last week, Papua New Guinea Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare accused Australian of interfering in East Timor's politics, and warned that it was trying similar tricks in his country. The Solomon Islands is saddled with its own Anzac occupation, and its new, independent-minded Prime Minister Manasseh Sogovare has expressed his solidarity with Alkatiri.

Despite his hatred of the Howard government, Alkatiri has never before called so directly for the withdrawal of Australian forces from East Timor. An astute and often cynical political player, he has feared angering those parts of Fretilin who had hoped the occupation could be made to work in the party's interests. Alkatiri's new boldness and the ongoing protests suggest that the mood in Fretilin has turned decisively against accommodation with the occupiers of East Timor. Together, the illegitimate government in Dili and the Anzac troops that support it have alienated large numbers of Timorese.

The mass protests against occupation in East Timor should be a wake-up call to New Zealanders. Most Kiwis oppose the Howard government and the neo-colonial occupation it is helping George Bush maintain in Iraq, but few realise that their army and police force is helping prop up a similar occupation in East Timor. Kiwi troops and cops operate under Australian control in East Timor, and are helping support a government which is deeply unpopular. It is not surprising, then, that they are being targeted alongside the Australians. They should be withdrawn before they get sucked further into the escalating conflict between Australian imperialism and the East Timorese people.

Timor-Leste: Fretilin acusa tropas australianas de destruir bandeiras e causar distúrbios


Díli, 20/08- A Frente Revolucionária do Timor-Leste Independente (Fretilin) acusou hoje (segunda-feira) tropas australianas de destruir e retirar várias bandeiras do partido e de suscitar, com essa acção, mais distúrbios na instável situação atravessada pelo país.

"Condenamos estas acções provocadoras que contribuíram para inflamar a já instável situação. A bandeira do Fretilin tem um tremendo valor simbólico e emocional para o povo do Timor-Leste", disse o vice-presidente do partido, Arsenio Bano.

O Fretilin aglutinou a resistência contra a ocupação indonésia, de 1975 a 1999, e dirigiu o primeiro Governo após a independência, em 2002.

"Dezenas de milhares de pessoas morreram sob esta bandeira lutando pela independência. Os soldados australianos insultaram nossos mártires e todo o povo do Timor-Leste. É a cultura insensível e a típica arrogância das operações militares australianas na região do Pacífico", acrescentou Bano.

A Austrália viajou ao Timor-Leste dentro da Força Internacional de Estabilização a requerimento do Governo de Díli, que solicitou tropas a quatro nações em Maio de 2006 para conter a espiral de violência que ameaçava desembocar para uma guerra civil.

Desde então, a crise política continua aberta, e talvez mais inflamada depois de o Fretilin vencer as eleições legislativas de 30 de Junho com 21 deputados, mas perder o Governo para uma coligação de quatro partidos com 37 das 65 cadeiras do Parlamento unicameral.

Revolucionários acusam Austrália de distúrbios
Segunda, 20 de agosto de 2007

A Frente Revolucionária do Timor-Leste Independente (Fretilin) acusou hoje tropas australianas de destruir e retirar várias bandeiras do partido e de suscitar, com essa ação, mais distúrbios na instável situação atravessada pelo país.

"Condenamos estas ações provocadoras que contribuíram para inflamar a já instável situação. A bandeira do Fretilin tem um tremendo valor simbólico e emocional para o povo do Timor-Leste", disse o vice-presidente do partido, Arsenio Bano.

O Fretilin aglutinou a resistência contra a ocupação indonésia, de 1975 a 1999, e dirigiu o primeiro Governo após a independência, em 2002.

"Dezenas de milhares de pessoas morreram sob esta bandeira lutando pela independência. Os soldados australianos insultaram nossos mártires e todo o povo do Timor-Leste. É a cultura insensível e a típica arrogância das operações militares australianas na região do Pacífico", acrescentou Bano.

A Austrália viajou ao Timor-Leste dentro da Força Internacional de Estabilização a requerimento do Governo de Díli, que solicitou tropas a quatro nações em maio de 2006 para conter a espiral de violência que ameaçava dirigir a uma guerra civil.

Desde então, a crise política continua aberta, e talvez mais inflamada depois de o Fretilin vencer as eleições legislativas de 30 de junho com 21 deputados, mas perder o Governo para uma coalizão de quatro partidos com 37 das 65 cadeiras do Parlamento unicameral.

Dia das FALINTIL - 20 de Agosto

Fretilin wants Aussies out of E Timor after flag theft

ABC News
Posted 59 minutes ago Updated 50 minutes ago

Leaders of East Timor's Fretilin party are demanding the removal of Australian forces after three soldiers were forced to apologise for stealing several Fretilin flags.

One Fretilin official claims the men tore the flags up and made as if to use them like toilet paper, after stealing them from the village of Bercoli, east of Dili, yesterday.

The soldiers later returned the flags and wrote a formal apology, but Australian defence chiefs deny they were damaged.

Australia's Brigadier in Dili, John Hutcheson, says the soldiers' actions were inappropriate and culturally insensitive, but were an isolated incident.

"It's a very serious incident and I guess, as I've already stated, I'm disappointed in the actions of these few soldiers," he said.

"However I'm confident that the larger part of the force, particularly the remaining soldiers and so forth, they are actually doing a very good job."

East Timor's former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri has again called for Australian troops to return home accusing them of a lack of neutrality.

Mr Alkatiri called the seizure of the flags a provocation and accused the Australian forces of having intimidated Fretilin supporters for some time.

Australian troops provoke more unrest in Timor Leste



Media release
20 August 2007

Australian troops in Timor Leste have inflamed an already volatile situation by tearing up FRETILIN flags and wiping their backsides with it, FRETILIN Vice President and MP Arsenio Bano said today.

"The trashing of FRETILIN flags is yet another demonstration of the partisan nature of the Howard government's military intervention in Timor Leste," Bano said.

He said the incidents occurred in the eastern part of the country on 18 August, at two separate locations – Suco (administrative region) Walili on the road between Baucau and Viqueque and in the village of Alala in Viqueque district – where villagers had raised the FRETILIN flag in protest against the unconstitutional government of Jose Alexandre Gusmao.

"At Walili two Australian military vehicles full of soldiers tore up a FRETILIN flag which had been raised at the roadside, wiped their backsides with it and drove off with the flag. The stolen flag was returned by an Australian army captain later that day.

"In Alala village Australian troops tried to sever a FRETILIN flag from its rope and then drove over it.

"We condemn these extremely provocative actions which have inflamed an already volatile situation. The FRETILIN flag has enormous symbolic and emotional value to the people of Timor-Leste which extends beyond FRETILIN's members and supporters.

"Tens of thousands of people died fighting under this flag during the struggle for independence, including family members of the people who witnessed its trashing on Saturday.

"The Australian soldiers have insulted our martyrs and the entire East Timorese people. Their cultural insensitivity and arrogance typifies Australian military operations in the Pacific region."

Bano said the incidents could not be excused as the actions of misguided individual soldiers.

"The soldiers take their cue from their officers who understand the true objectives of the Howard government's partisan intervention in Timor-Leste, which has had one overriding aim – the removal of the democratically elected FRETILIN government and its replacement with the illegitimate government of Jose Alexandre Gusmao."

For more information, please contact:

Arsenio Bano (+670) 733 9416, FRETILIN Media (+670) 733 5060 or

UNMIT – MEDIA MONITORING - Friday, 20 August 2007

"UNMIT assumes no responsibility for the accuracy of the articles or for the accuracy of their translations. The selection of the articles and their content do not indicate support or endorsement by UNMIT express or implied whatsoever. UNMIT shall not be responsible for any consequence resulting from the publication of, or from the reliance on, such articles and translations."

National Media Reports

Police should not be political activists

The President of the National Parliament, Fernando de Araujo Lasama states that members of the PNTL should not be the political activists in the future.

“Police should not be the activist of the parties,” said Mr. Lasama after meeting with F-FDTL commander, Brigadier Taur Matan Ruak on Friday (17/8) in Dili.

He revealed that PNTL’s members, as Timorese citizens have right to cast their vote in the general elections, however they ought to act impartially and neutrally in performing their duties. (STL)

Fretilin will not tolerate violence

Fretilin’s Aniceto Guterres has confirmed that Fretilin condemns the violence that broke out in the eastern part of the country, especially in Baucau and Viqueque districts.

“Since the outset, Fretilin has not tolerated and has condemned the violence” said Mr. Guterres.
He said that when the conflict broke out in Baucau and Uatolari, Fretilin’s member in national parliament proposed an investigation into the violence to the parliament.

He said the violence in Baucau and Viqueque was the demonstration of discontent against the new government formation.

“Fretilin condemns such because Fretilin’s leaders do not authorize Fretilin’s militants and sympathizers to act based violence.

“If we authorize, it is our responsibility,” said Mr. Guterres. (STL)

Horta: “Demonstrators have not to be delirious”

In response to tdoay’s protest in Dili, the President José Ramos-Horta has called upon Fretilin supporters involved in the organization Movimento Libertação Povo Maubere (MOLNAPON)/Liberation Movement of Maubere People to be peaceful in their protest.

Mr. Horta said it should be peaceful and remain within the confines expressed by the police.

“If there is some violence, they will be arrested and transported to the Becora prison,” said Mr. Horta. (STL and TP)

ISF gives back Fretilin’s flags

The Commander of International Stabilization Forces (ISF), Brigadier John Hutcheson informed that ISF has returned the Fretilin flags they took in Bercoli in the Baucau district in last few days.

He explained that on Saturday (18/8) 15:00 hours ISF’s soldiers took three Fretilin flags.

“One of the three Fretilin’s flags has been given back to Bercoli’s chief of Suco whilst he was in Baucau at that time,” said Mr. Hutcheson at a press conference on Sunday (19/8) at Phoenix camp Caicoli, Dili.

He added that the other two flags also have been given back through F-FDTL and UNPol to Bercoli village.

“We are sincerely and sorry for taking the flags” the Brigadier said.. (STL)

Ramos Horta: Fretilin’s disagreement is normal

The President José Ramos-Horta has stated that Fretilin’s disagreement on the winning alliance is normal in a democracy.

“I recognize that any party may disagree with my decision as disagreement is normal within a democracy and all political parties can voice their concern about the constitution through the appropriate judicial means,” said President Ramos-Horta.

According to the President the problem’s solution will depend upon political stability, not political and individual unrest. (TP)

Madrid Club asking Timor-Leste to calm

The Madrid Club comprised of the Former Prime Minister of Latvia, Former President of Philippines, Fidel Ramos, the former Prime Minister of New Zealand Jenny Shipley and the former President of Mauritius, Cassam Ateem has called upon the Timorese people to live calm not violence.

“We, together with the leaders of Timor-Leste, appeal to all people to calm and respect the law and orders,” said Club Madrid through its press letter issued last week.

The Madrid Club said that President José Ramos-Horta has made the decision to appoint the Alliance led by Xanana Gusmão and any rejection to that decision should be voiced within court, not through violence on the streets. (TP)

Ramos Horta asking Fretilin to have reflection on the Falintil Day

On the Falintil Day, today (20/8), President José Ramos-Horta appeals to all Fretilin’s radicals reflect on the day.

“I appeal to Fretilin’s radicals not to engage in violence as they will be arrested if they engage in violence. This state will not be held back because of someone’s threats to enact violence on people,” said Mr. Horta on Saturday (18/8) in GMT. (TP)

Timor-Leste-UN agree to reform security sector

The Head of the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) has outlined four key areas to address in working towards the reform of the security sector in the nation.

At a high level meeting in Dili this week, attended by senior leadership of the national military and police, the President of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste, José Ramos-Horta and the Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão both gave opening addresses welcoming the assistance of the United Nations in addressing the challenges facing the security sector.

Mr Atul Khare said he agreed with both the President and Prime Minister about the need to look at the road traveled to avoid pitfalls in the future.

Mr Khare listed the need to improve relations between the police and the army, strengthening the legal framework, increasing capacity and enhancing civil oversight as the four priority areas in building an effective and accountable security sector, that serves the needs of the people of Timor-Leste.

“UNMIT will assist the Timorese people and authorities in these four areas relating to the security sector.

“The strengthening of the army and police will be crucial to the development of Timor-Leste as a modernizing state and the United Nations will assist the government in achieving a security sector that is efficient, effective and accountable,” Mr Khare said.

In the course of discussions, participants agreed to have larger participation by civil society in the reform process, keep in mind the need to maximize scarce resources, avoid another crisis as experienced in 2006, and work towards closer cooperation between military and police, even as each of the security institutions strive for increased professionalism and enhanced capacities. (TP)

UNMIT - Security Situation - Monday 20 August 2007

This is a broadcast of the UN Police in Timor-Leste to provide you with information about the security situation around the country.

The security situation in Timor-Leste has been calm, although Viqueque remains tense.

United Nations police officers (UNPol) in conjunction with the national police of Timor-Leste (PNTL) and the International Stabilization Force (ISF) remain fully deployed to respond to any disturbances that may emerge.

Today in Dili, UNPol attended seven incidents, none of which were major. At 1230hrs, UNPol responded to a report of youths throwing rocks by Bidau Masaur Bridge. The youths fled upon the arrival of the police. One hour later, a group of approximately eight men armed with sticks were reportedly blocking a road in Santa Cruz, but these men also fled upon the arrival of the police.

Between 1000 and 1145hrs, a political rally was held in Dili stadium. The rally was peaceful and there were no reports of any problems.

Yesterday in Dili, two internationals assaulted a security guard they believed to have stolen some items from their house. UNPol attended the scene, and took the guard to Bairo Pite clinic. His injuries are minor, and UNPol are investigating. In a separate incident, one person was arrested in Surik Mas for possession of an illegal weapon.

In Bobonaro yesterday, four people were arrested after throwing stones at a shop in Balibo village.

There have been no security incidents reported from Viqueque, but most government offices and schools remain closed.

The Police advise to avoid traveling during the night to the most affected areas. Please report any suspicious activities. You can call 112 or 7230365 to contact the police 24 hours a day, seven days a week.

Aussies go home: Alkatiri

SBS World News
20.8.2007. 17:26:15


East Timor's former Prime Minister is calling for Australian troops to be sent home from the troubled country.

Mari Alkatiri has accused the soldiers of a lack of neutrality, amid reports they seized two Fretilin party flags during a protest at the weekend.

"It would be better for Australian troops to just return home if they cannot be neutral," Mr Alkatiri told journalists.

"They came here to help us solve our problems, but they came to give their backing to one side and fight against the other," he said.

Ruling coalition

The politician said the reported seizure of the flags was a "provocation" and accused Australian forces of having intimidated supporters of his Fretilin party for some time.

Mr Alkatiri was effectively forced to resign as Prime Minister last year, amid mounting unrest in East Timor’s capital, Dili, which left 37 people dead.

The violence saw some 3,000 Australian troops posted in the country – at its own request. Many of the soldiers remain there, carrying out patrols alongside international security forces and UN police.

Fretilin won more votes than any other party in East Timor's recent elections, but failed to secure an absolute majority.

Instead a coalition of parties headed by former president Xanana Gusmao has formed a government, which Fretilin has condemned as illegal.

New Chief of Staff of The Presidential Office


Name : Jose M. S. Turquel de Jesus (Jose Turquel)
Status : Married
Spouse : Georgina Corte Real
Address : Delta III
Email ;,

Parents : Miguel Turquel de Jesus (Father)
: Ilda Soares (Mother)

Sincerely yours,
Jose M.S. Turquel de Jesus


I am a former recipient of the United States East Timor (USET) scholarship program for political science with the specification in international relations and public policy in 2004, and have completed my program and graduated from the University of Hawaii, USA in summer 2006, in addition to the public administration from Undiknas university of Indonesia. Recognition for the academic achievement and excellence, awarded with gold medal and membership by the golden key international academic honor society of USA in 2005.

I have a number of experiences working with several international agencies after the independence of Timor Leste. I involved proactively in the social recovery efforts carried out by the international community through the emergency and rehabilitation program in the aftermath of the 1999 referendum.

Basically those are professional works which requires competence in organizational, leadership, communication, managerial and technical skills including intelligence ability.

My works ranging from; interpreter and translator, local consultant, team assistant, assistant program manager and national coordinator of various project conducted by, UNOPS, JICA, UNDP and NDI.

I have also worked with other agencies like ICRC, NZ Peace Keeping Force (the translation of the NZ Army Manual Instruction of Small Arms to tetum language for F-FDTL). The Hiroshima Peace Institute, and additional experiences with two Japanese engineering companies; the KURIHARA Kogyo Co. Ltd., and the Pacific Consultants International in the rehabilitation project of small power stations in Timor Leste and assessment on the project of road rehabilitation (Dili – Casa) under the ODA of Japan.

I spent two months doing a professional internship at the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs HQ, Washington DC USA in 2005. During this internship I worked under Asian desk region for Timor Leste. My primary task of preparing a final draft report on civic education and security programs implemented in cooperation with the committee B of the National Parliament of Timor Leste. In addition I attended conferences and workshops on election and political parties, including democratic leadership training.

I experienced high-level meetings and lobbying on various US private and official institutions and entities, including the US House of Representatives, in a three day advocacy session organized by the Amnesty International and ETAN USA in summer 2005. The following year I completed an additional diplomatic internship at the embassy of RDTL, Washington DC, under the supervision of Ministry counselor, Mr. Constancio Pinto.

I had the privilege of speaking at the United Nations plaza New York on concerns of Justice for Timor Leste and Political reform in Indonesia for the future relation of both countries. A panel joined by the representatives of LBH Jakarta, the directors of ICTJ, and the ETAN USA. The session was attended by several international NGO’s, the representatives of diplomatic missions and Press in NYC.

I have a comprehensive skills and abilities in leadership since my early years and have always strove to shape and develop at the international level. Recognition for leadership ability came from the position as vice president of the East West Center - Participant Association (EWC-PA), an association of international students from more then 52 countries, under the well known institution the East West Center.
1. Experience:

- Workshop on the Geneva conventions in Armed Conflict for F-FDTL, by ICRC. Assisted on training and workshop on disseminating the principle of Geneva conventions to the F-FDTL commanders in Training Center – Metinaro.

- The capacity building program for the Office of Inspector General of RDTL, under UNDP, funded by the CIDA. Directly responsible for planning and organizing, the implementation of the project, through workshops in districts, printing materials, including training in overseas for several OIG staffs.

- The Assessment Project on Decentralization and Local Government Options for RDTL, under UNDP, funded by the Ireland AID. Assisted team experts to conduct the study on the issue as mentioned through organizing; workshop, meeting, discussion, field visits and national conference on the matter. The report has been submitted to the National Parliament of RDTL.

- Program of Strengthening Parliament of RDTL, conducted by NDI, funded by the USAID. Responsible for planning, organizing, and coordinating the implementation of the program on “strengthening parliament” in Timor Leste in a close cooperation with the Committee B of the National parliament of RDTL.

- Assessment mission on CAVR reconciliation process, under ICTJ – UNDP.

- Assessment mission on CAVR reconciliation process, under Hiroshima Peace Institute and JICA.

- Project implementation on the Rehabilitation of Small Power Station in Timor Leste by KUHIRARA Kogyo Co, Ltd, funded by ODA – Japan. Assisted in planning, organizing, and coordinating the implementation of the project in Timor Leste. Working closely with local community in order to achieve mutual understanding to guarantee the smoothness implementation of the project.

- Project Study on the Rehabilitation of Road and Bridges in RDTL, under JICA and Pacific Consultants International, resulted in the Dili – Casa road construction project, funded by the ODA – Japan.

2. Paper Presented:

March 12th, 2006; “Timor Leste in ASAEN”, a dialogue on the Future of Asia pacific Region, organized by the Department of Asian Studies, University of Hawaii.

June 27th, 2005; “Justice for Timor Leste and Political reform in Indonesia” a panel discussion on the Future Relation of TL and RI organized by the Amnesty Int’l and ETAN USA, UN Plaza, NYC.

April 13th, 2005; “Bitter Paradise: the Sellout of the East Timor” a seminar on Dialogue for Peace in the Asia Pacific Region, organized by the East West Center, Hawaii – USA.

December 7th, 2004; “Born of a Nation; Timor Leste and Its Determination”, a seminar on Human Rights in the Asia-Pacific, organized by the Pacific and Asian Affairs Council (PAAC), Hawaii – USA.

3. Training/Workshop Participation:

The UN certification on “Basic Security in the Field – Staff Safety, Health and Welfare”, UNDP Timor Leste (September 2003).

Certification on Intensive English Program by Hawaii English Language Program of the University of Hawaii, USA (March 2004).

Certification on Development of Plans for Risk Reduction and Human Insecurity by Peace and Conflict Resolution Workgroup and the East West Center, Hawaii – USA (April 2005).

4. Internship:

The Legislative Campaign Internship with Mr. Gene Ward Ph.D (Former Peace corps country Director in Timor Leste) Campaign Team of 8th District (Hawaii Kai, Kuliouou, Aina Haina, Niu, Waialae, Kahala) for the State of Hawaii Senate (June-July 2006).

The Diplomatic Internship at the Embassy of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste (RDTL) to the United States of America, Washington DC, USA (May-June 2006).

The Professional Internship at the National Democratic Institute for Int’l Affairs HQ, Washington DC, USA (May – June 2005).

6. Merit awards:

Awarded Gold medal for honor student on graduation class of 2006.

Awarded member of the Golden Key Int’l Honor Society of USA for Outstanding Scholastic Achievement and Excellence.

Awarded the United States East Timor Scholarship Program (completed).

Awarded the East West Center Scholarship Program on global leadership for MA Degree in Public Policy.

7. Higher Education:

2008: Expected MA Degree in Public Policy from University of Hawaii, USA.

2006: BA in Political Science, specification in Int’l relations and Public Policy from University of Hawaii – USA.

2000: BA in Public Administration from Undiknas University of Bali Indonesia.

1992: Certificate from Faculty of Agricultural of Udayana University, Bali Indonesia, expected degree BA.

8. Language Ability:

English and Indonesia (Excellent), Portuguese (fair), Tetun (Fluent).


Tropas Australianas roubaram três bandeiras da Fretilin

Tradução da Margarida:

ABC News

A Força de Defesa Australiana está a investigar o roubo de três bandeiras da Fretilin por um grupo de soldados em Timor-Leste no Sábado.

Uma porta-voz da Defesa diz que as bandeiras foram levadas quando os soldados passavam pela aldeia de Bercoli no seu caminho para Baucau.

Soldados da Força Internacional de Estabilização devolveram uma das bandeiras no Sábado enquanto as outras foram devolvidas ontem.

A porta-voz diz que a remoção de qualquer bandeira sem autorização é errado e que revla insensibilidade cultural.

O destino dos soldados não foi ainda revelado.

Diggers stole Fretilin flags

ABC News

The Australian Defence Force is investigating the theft of three Fretilin flags by a group of soldiers in East Timor on Saturday.

A Defence spokeswoman says the flags were taken while the soldiers were passing through the village of Bercoli on their way to Baucau.

Soldiers from the International Stabilisation Force returned one of the flags on Saturday while the others were returned yesterday.

The spokeswoman says the removal of any flag without permission is wrong and culturally insensitive.

The fate of the soldiers has not yet been revealed.

Dos Leitores

H. Correia deixou um novo comentário na sua mensagem "The safety valve":

"The traditional safety valve for East Timorese has been the relative ease with which they can obtain Portuguese citizenship. The Portuguese nationality laws are curious in that they not only apply the principle of jus sanguine (ie: who or what your family were) but also jus soli (the territory in which your family lived). This is a throwback to when Portuguese colonies, like East Timor, were considered 'overseas provinces'."

Este parágrafo encerra alguns exemplos de como os anglófonos, nomeadamente britânicos e australianos, têm dificuldade em entender culturas diferentes.

Em primeiro lugar, os timorenses não têm "relativa" (nem absoluta) "facilidade" (nem dificuldade) em "obter" a nacionalidade portuguesa. É um direito seu, aplicável a todos os nascidos até Maio de 2001, quando Timor se tornou Estado independente reconhecido pela comunidade internacional.

Os habitantes das antigas províncias ultramarinas portuguesas, que são habitualmente designadas colónias (e não o contrário), eram portugueses de pleno direito, como acontece ainda hoje com os habitantes dos territórios ultramarinos franceses. Esta doutrina distingue-se da britânica, por exemplo - veja-se o caso de Hong Kong, onde apesar de milhões dos seus habitantes falarem Inglês e pensarem como ingleses, muito poucos conseguiram o privilégio da nacionalidade britânica, por não terem nascido em solo britânico (esta sim, sempre foi assumidamente "colónia").

O mesmo não acontecia com Portugal - compare-se HK com o exemplo de Macau, onde todos os seus naturais nascidos até 1976 eram considerados portugueses à luz da Lei portuguesa, pois as provícias ultramarinas eram parte integrante do território nacional e estavam subordinadas à sua jurisdição.

A chamada lei da nacionalidade portuguesa nada tem de curioso, sendo idêntica à de outros países europeus. Não percebo a opinião do colunista, pois o princípio de jus soli é excepção e não regra, o que é perfeitamente lógico.

O colunista demonstra não estar a par das leis portuguesas. Segundo a lei em vigor, o senegalês nascido em Portugal pode adquirir a nacionalidade portuguesa desde que os seus pais aí residam legalmente há pelo menos 6 anos. A diferença entre este e um timorense (nascido até Maio de 2001) é que o primeiro, sendo estrangeiro de nascimento (filho de pais estrangeiros) tem que adquirir a nacionalidade portuguesa, enquanto o timorense já é português de nascimento, apenas tendo que formalizar o seu desejo de ter e usufruir efectivamente dos direitos e deveres inerentes - o mesmo se passa em relação a um português nascido na França, por exemplo.

Portanto, nunca os direitos dos timorenses serão, nem poderiam ser, afectados por mudanças no estatuto de terceiros.

Da mesma maneira, o (des)conhecimento da língua portuguesa não pode limitar ou impedir o exercício dos direitos de qualquer cidadão nascido português. Este princípio de não discriminação em função da raça, naturalidade, cultura, religião ou língua materna ajuda a entender porque Portugal continua a ser estimado e respeitado em todo o mundo, especialmente pelos timorenses, algo que deve fazer muita confusão a certos habitantes de países de língua inglesa.

A válvula de segurança

Tradução da Margarida:

Living Timorously – Sexta-feira, 17 Agosto 2007

No ano passado escrevi sobre trabalhadores emigrantes Timorenses no Reino Unido e sublinhei que a única coisa que me surpreendeu foi o número de pessoas que estão a sair de Timor-Leste não ser maior. Noutras partes do mundo, a emigração tem sido um facto da vida, sendo a Irlanda o exemplo melhor conhecido, apesar de a maré agora ter mudado de direcção: as pessoas estão a mudar-se para a Irlanda do estrangeiro, especialmente da Polónia.

Foi um facto da vida em Malta, de tal extensão que teve um Ministro para o Trabalho, Serviços Sociais e Emigração. Há quas sessenta anos esse Ministro disse no Parlamento do país que "apesar [da emigração] não ser um remédio único ou ideal mas um paliativo, é contudo um paliativo essencial e necessário para os tempos futuros quando vamos ter de enfrentar o desemprego". A emigração era, disseram ministros Malteses, "a válvula de segurança da nação".

Mesmo o Primeiro-Ministro de então de Malta estava a favor, dizendo no Parlamento "fosse possível ao meu Governo mandar num dia 50,000 candidatos a emigrantes registados, Fazê-lo-ia ...Deixem-nos guardar a religião deles mas deviam lutar para se tornarem Australianos e depois de duas ou de três gerações os seus filhos poderiam dizer que os seus avós eram Malteses mas que eles eram Australianos". Isto fez levantar gritos de "ouçam, ouçam!" das bancadas do governo. Em que outro lugar do mundo se podia encontrar um líder com tanta vontade de correr com o seu próprio povo do país para fora?

Na altura, Malta era uma colónia Britânica, importante por causa dos seus portos navais. Fecharam-nos mais tarde e as últimas forças Britânicas partiram em 1979. Era mais pequena, do que digamos , Singapura, mas densamente povoada e sem recursos naturais. Por isso, os Malteses eram activamente encorajados a olhar para fora, para o Reino Unido, Austrália e Canadá – há quase tanta gente de origem Maltesa na Austrália como na própria Malta. Hoje, Malta é bastante próspera, com a economia construída na marinha mercante e no turismo – alguns Malteses regressaram.

A válvula de segurança tradicional para os Timorenses tem sido a relativa facilidade com que conseguem obter a cidadania Portuguesa. As leis de nacionalidade Portuguesa são curiosas dado que não apenas aplicam o princípio da jus sanguine (i.e.: quem ou o que é que foi a sua família) mas também o da jus soli (o território onde viveu a sua família). Isto é um regresso para quando as colónias Portuguesas, omo Timor-Leste, foram consideradas 'províncias do ultramar'.

Como resultado, um Timorense, cujo conhecimento do Português não é muito mais do que "bom dia" e "obrigado", e que prefeririam viver no Reino Unido, obtêm tratamento preferencial sobre qualquer pessoa nascida em Portugal digamos, imigrantes Senegaleses, que não conhecem nenhuma outra língua senão o Português e que não tenham outra pátria senão Portugal. Em determinada altura, isso provavelmente mudará, apesar de poder não ser em detrimento dos Timorenses, que podem vir para a União Europeia como cidadãos do seu país, não como cidadãos do seu velho poder colonial. No fim de contas, isso não parou o grande número de Filipinos que vêem para a UE com passaportes das Filipinas.

Apesar da sua proximidade com Timor-Leste, a Austrália é um tanto esquisita sobre quem deixa entrar e quem deixa ficar, e Canberra não está entusiasmada em ter uma vaga de imigrantes do seu pequeno vizinho , especialmente dos que têm educação e capacidades profissionais limitadas. Ocasionalmente há ruídos sobre deixá-los entrar, juntamente com os das Ilhas do Pacífico, para apanharem fruta em Queensland. O falecido B.A Santamaria sugeriu m 1994, que entre 20,000 a 30,000 Timorenses podiam vir para a Austrália para ajudar a construir o caminho de ferro entre Alice Springs e Darwin (apesar de provavelmente poder querer mandá-los de volta para Timor-Leste ocupado pela Indonésia, sendo como era um apoiante do regime de Suharto).

Alguns Timorenses sugeriram a ideia de as pessoas irem trabalhar para os países vizinhos com a desculpa de lá haver um choque menor de culturas, e que isso tornaria mais fácil visitar as famílias na pátria. Bem, se a experiência de trabalhadores emigrantes Indonésios na Malásia, Singapura e Hong Kong é algo para copiar, as desvantagens (salários baixos, práticas de exploração, patrões abusadores e autoridades hostis) ultrapassam em muito as vantagens. Quanto às afinidades culturais, enquanto o Indonésio e Malaio são similares, se o seu patrão for de etnia Chinesa, não perceberá nada da língua . Ao contrário dos Filipinos, os trabalhadores migrantes Indonésios não são um grupo de pressão vocal no seu país de origem, apesar disso não ter travado manifestações iradas no exterior da embaixada Malaia em Jacarta.

No Japão, os locais não são muito simpáticos nem msmo para os dekasegui, gente de etnia Japonesa vinda do Brasil ou do Peru. (É por causa dels que o Japão tem mais gente fluente em Português que Timor-Leste, Macau Goa juntos, e provavelmente também mais gente fluente em Espanhol do que as Filipinas.) Se os Japonese podem tratar os seus 'irmãos de sangue' deste modo, que oportunidade haveria lá para Timorenses,que, a repetir-se o tratamento que dão aos Filipinos, seriam tratados como animais?

Um diplomata Timorense disse-me que receava uma "fuga de cérebros", apesar deste não ser o termo mais adequado. Não porque o povo dela seja estúpido, mas porque a maioria dos que estão a sair não terem qualificações profissionais. Muitos dos que têm mas não querem regressar , tendem a ser pessoas que cresceram na Austrália ou em Portugal de qualquer maneira .

Independentemente da disponibilidade futura dos passaportes Portugueses, os Timorenses deviam olhar para mais longe, se puderem. O Médio Oriente é um destino popular para trabalhadores emigrantes como os Filipinos, apesar destes tenderem a ser melhor educados do que os de Sri Lanka ou do Bangladesh, e não estarem tão em baixo na escala social.

Além de poderem enviar dinheiro para casa, uma presença Timorense no Médio Oriente podia ser uma boa maneira de forja laços comerciais e de investimento, especialmente no turismo. (Nós mandamos os nossos desmpregados, vocês mandam-nos os vossos turistas ricos. De acordo?)

Timor-Leste não tem ainda um Ministro para a Emigração, mas o novo governo criou um novo cargo, o de Secretário de Estado para a Migração e Comunidades no Estrangeiro, similar à do governo Português para as Comunidades. Infelizmente, ainda não foi preenchido.

The safety valve

Living Timorously – Friday, 17 August 2007

Last year I wrote about East Timorese migrant workers in the UK, and remarked that the only thing that surprised me was that the number of people leaving East Timor wasn't higher. In other parts of the world, emigration has been a fact of life, Ireland being the best known example, although the tide has now changed direction: people are moving to Ireland from abroad, especially from Poland.

It was also a fact of life in Malta, to the extent that it had a Minister for Labour, Social Services and Emigration. Nearly sixty years ago, that Minister told the country's Parliament that "although [emigration] is not the sole or ideal remedy but a palliative, it is nevertheless an essential and necessary palliative for the times that lie ahead when we are going to be faced with unemployment". Emigration was, Maltese politicians said, "the safety valve of the nation".

Even the then Prime Minister of Malta was in favour, telling Parliament "were it possible for my Government to send 50,000 registered prospective emigrants in one day, I would do so ... Let them keep their religion but they should strive to become Australian and after two generations or three their children will be able to say that their grandfather was Maltese but they were Australian". This drew cries of "hear, hear!" from the government benches. Where else in the world could you find a leader so keen to get his own people out of their country?

At the time, Malta was a British colony, important because of its naval docks. They were later closed, and the last British forces left in 1979. It was smaller than, say, Singapore, but densely populated, and no natural resources. So, the Maltese were actively encouraged to look abroad, to the UK, Australia and Canada - there are nearly as many people of Maltese origin in Australia as in Malta itself. Today, Malta is quite prosperous, with its economy built on shipping and tourism - some Maltese have moved back.

The traditional safety valve for East Timorese has been the relative ease with which they can obtain Portuguese citizenship. The Portuguese nationality laws are curious in that they not only apply the principle of jus sanguine (ie: who or what your family were) but also jus soli (the territory in which your family lived). This is a throwback to when Portuguese colonies, like East Timor, were considered 'overseas provinces'.

As a result, an East Timorese, whose command of Portuguese is not much more than "bom dia" and "obrigado", and would rather live in the UK, will get preferential treatment over someone born in Portugal to, say, Senegalese immigrants, who knows no other language than Portuguese and no other home than Portugal. At some point, that will probably change, although it might not be to the detriment of the East Timorese, who could come to the European Union as citizens of their country, not as citizens of their old colonial master. After all, that hasn't stopped the large number of Filipinos who come to the EU on Philippine passports.

Despite its proximity to East Timor, Australia is a bit fussy about who it lets in and who it lets stay, and Canberra isn't wild about having a wave of immigrants from its small neighbour, especially those with limited education and professional skills. There are occasional noises about letting them in, along with Pacific islanders, to pick fruit in Queensland. The late B.A Santamaria suggested in 1994, that between 20,000 to 30,000 East Timorese could come to Australia to help build the railway between Alice Springs and Darwin (although he might probably have wanted to send them back to Indonesian-occupied East Timor, Suharto regime cheerleader that he was).

Some East Timorese have suggested the idea of people going to work in neighbouring countries on the grounds that there would be less of a culture shock, and it would be easier to visit the folks back home. Well, if the experience of Indonesian migrant workers in Malaysia, Singapore and Hong Kong is anything to go by, the disadvantages (low pay, exploitative practices, abusive employers and hostile authorities) far outweigh the advantages. As for cultural affinities, while Indonesian and Malay are similar, if your employer is ethnic Chinese, you won't be speaking much of either. Unlike the Filipino counterparts, Indonesian migrant workers are not a vocal lobby in their home country, although that hasn't stopped angry demonstrations outside the Malaysian embassy in Jakarta.

In Japan, the locals are not very friendly, even to dekasegui, ethnic Japanese from Brazil or Peru. (It's because of them that Japan has more fluent speakers of Portuguese than East Timor, Macau and Goa put together, and probably more fluent speakers of Spanish than the Philippines too.) If the Japanese can treat their 'kith and kin' like that, what chance is there for East Timorese, who, if the treatment of Filipinos is anything to go by, will be treated as animals?

An East Timorese diplomat told me that she feared a "brain drain", although that's not quite the best term. Not because her people are stupid, but because most of the ones leaving are not professionally qualified. Many of those who are, but don't want to go back, tend to be people who grew up in Australia or Portugal anyway.

Irrespective of the future availability of Portuguese passports, the East Timorese should look further afield, if they can. The Middle East is a popular destination for migrant workers like the Filipinos, although they tend to be better educated than the Sri Lankans or Bangladeshis, and so not so far down the pecking order.

As well as being able to send money home, an East Timorese presence in the Middle East might be a good way of forging trade and investment links, especially in tourism. (We send you our jobless, you send us your rich tourists. Deal?)

East Timor doesn't yet have a Minister for Emigration, but the new government has created a new post, that of Secretary of State for Migration and Overseas Communities, similar to that in the Portuguese government for the Comunidades. Unfortunately, it has yet to be filled.

Ainda sobre o comércio livre...

Do Alto do Tatamailau – 18 Agosto 2007

Navegando na net, dei com um blog interessante alimentado por vários economistas portugueses e que tem um título "chamativo": "ladrões de bicicletas". Curiosamente, duas das suas "entradas" mais recentes (vejam aqui e aqui) referem-se ao tema do comércio livre e sublinham, nomeadamente, uma ideia interessante de um economista sul-coreano, Ha-Joon Chang (o homem sabe do que fala pois fala da experiência própria - i.e., da Coreia do Sul...):
"nem todos os países que usaram o proteccionismo foram bem sucedidos, mas quase todos os países bem sucedidos economicamente usaram o proteccionismo. De facto, os países não se tornaram ricos por causa do comércio livre, mas antes adoptaram o comércio livre (quando o fizeram!) a partir do momento em que se tornaram ricos (também Chang)".

E logo adiante citam o "velho" Friedrich List quando ele afirmava que " o comércio livre é o proteccionismo dos mais fortes".

Dá para compreender que adoptar um tal regime nas condições de Timor Leste, cuja estrutura produtiva é pouco mais que incipiente e que tem acesso a muito dinheiro (Fundo Petrolífero), pode ser (dificilmente não será...) meio caminho andado para a "desgraça" (leia-se, o país utilizar o dinheiro que tem para importar quase tudo sem ser capaz de se industrializar - o que será uma forma de manifestação da famosa "dutch disease")?

Humanitarian agencies condemn recent acts of violence against children in Timor-Leste

Dili, 17th August, 2007

We, the undersigned agencies, representing a wide cross-section of national and international non-governmental organisations and international agencies, want to express our concern and condemnation of recent acts of violence against children in Timor-Leste.

We call upon all sections of Timorese society, including political parties, local authorities, community leaders and communities, to protect all children against violence and threats to their physical safety and psychological well-being. We also call upon all sections of Timorese society to promote all children’s right to grow up in a country of peace.

The Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified by unanimous vote in the Timorese Parliament in 2002 and is incorporated into Article 18 of the Timorese constitution. The Convention defines children as all those less than 18 years, and requires that children be protected from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, or exploitation (Article 19). Children are among the most vulnerable members of society and require levels of care and protection appropriate to their age and stage of development.

We are concerned that in recent events, children have not been protected, but have been caught up in aggressive and violent demonstrations, and in some cases, have become victims of violent acts. We are particularly concerned that safe places for children, such as schools, orphanages and family homes have been targeted, and have become places where children experience violence and trauma.

We believe that all elements of society need to condemn these developments and speak out against any violence, abuse and exploitation of children and against all violence against children.

We believe that all elements of society need to take action to stop any further spread of violence against children, by making sure that perpetrators are brought to justice and by protecting children against any individuals or groups who would seek to cause further violence to the children of Timor-Leste. Children represent the future of the nation of Timor-Leste and should be the priority in all efforts to resolve conflict and build peace.

We stress that it is the individual and shared responsibility of all political parties, community leaders and local authorities to ensure a safe protective environment for children at all times.

We remind all political parties, authorities, parents and community members that children have the right to protection from violence, exploitation and abuse and that adults need to promote the rights of all children, everywhere, all of the time.

Organisations Endorsing Statement
(17th August, 2007)

- Aileu Resources Training Centre
- Alola Foundation
- Asia-Pacific Support Collective to Timor Lorosae (APSC-TL)
- Assert East Timor
- AustCare
- Care International
- Caritas Australia
- Catholic Relief Services Timor-Leste (CRS)
- Christian Children’s Fund Timor-Leste (CCF)
- Community Housing Ltd
- Concern Timor-Leste
- Conselho Nacional da Juventude de Timor-Leste (CNJTL)
- Criancas Unidas
- East Timor Crisis Reflection Network ETCRN
- European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO)
- Forum Comonicacao Juventude (FCJ)
- Forum Komunikasi Perempuan Timor Lorosae (FOKUPERS)
- Forum ONG Timor Leste (FONGTIL)
- Forum Tau Matan (FTM)
- Fundasaun Hadomi Timor Oan (FHTO)
- Fundasaun Saude de Timor Lorosae (SATILOS)
- Grupu feto foinsa'e Timor Leste (GFFTL)
- Hafoun Timor Loro Sa’e (HTL)
- HealthNet Timor-Leste
- IFES Timor-Leste
- International Catholic Migration Commission (ICMC)
- International Organisation for Migration (IOM)
- International Peace Assistance Centre
- Knua Buka Hatene (KBH)
- Konfederasaun Sindikatu Timor Leste (KSTL)
- Labor Advocacy Institute (LAIFET)
- Lalenok Ba Ema Hotu (LABEH)
- Lao Hamutuk
- Luta Hamutuk
- Maryknoll Sisters Community Aileu
- Naroman Timor Foun (NTF)
- National Democratic Institute (NDI)
- Norwegian Refugee Council
- Orfanato Santa Bakhita
- Organisaun Mulheres de Timor-Leste (OMT)
- Oxfam Australia
- Oxfam Hong Kong
- Paz y Desarrollo
- PeaceWinds Japan
- Perkumpulan Hak
- Plan International
- Progressio Timor-Leste
- Provedoria Direitus Umanus (PDHJ)
- Radio Lorico Lian
- Rede Feto Timor-Leste
- Timor Aid
- Triangle GH Timor-Leste
- United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
- United Nations Development Program (UNDP)
- United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT)
- WaterAid Australia (Timor-Leste)
- Women’s Caucus Timor-Leste
- World Food Program (WFP)
- World Vision Timor-Leste

Ramos Horta on RI-Timor Leste relations

Antara - 08/18/07 15:18

Dili (News) - Timor Leste President Jose Manuel Ramos Horta said "only the sky" could be the limit of Indonesia-Timor Leste relations so that nothing under the sky could harm those ties.

"As you can see, Timor Leste`s political figures, including those of belonging to rival camps, all are attending this reception at the Indonesian Embassy. This is a rare event and can only happen because we highly appreciate the relations between Timor Leste and Indonesia," Horta said here on Friday night.

Timor Leste leaders, including those of the warring parties, were attending a reception held at the Indonesian embassy compound to observe the 62nd anniversary of Indonesia`s Independence.

The reception was hosted by Indonesian Ambassador to Timor Leste Ahmad B Sofwan.

Apart from members of the diplomatic corps, representatives of international institutions and other Timor Leste prominent figures, four Timor Leste figures became invitees` focus of attention. They were Horta, Timor Leste Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao, Timor Leste National Parliament Speaker Fernando "La Samma" Guterres and Secretary General of Fretilin Party Mari Alkatiri.

The four leaders got together before the public for the first time since the high-level politics heated up following the failure of the STAE and CNE in deciding the right person for the premiership post.

Sometime ago, Alkatiri said the assignment of Gusmao as the prime minister was unlawful and unconstitutional. But during the reception, the four figures chatted each other and had a joint photo session together with Ambassador Sofwan.

Horta said that there were inconvenient matters among us in the past but we should not look back to the past but develop a better future.

Besides the four noted leaders, all Timor Leste`s cabinet members also attended the function, among others Justice Minister Lucia Lobato. All members of Tomor Leste`s parliament were also present.

UNPol diz que calma voltou ao Timor-Leste, exceto em duas cidades

EFE – 17 Agosto 2007 - 10:41

Díli - A Polícia das Nações Unidas (UNPol) anunciou hoje que a calma predomina em quase todo o Timor-Leste, após mais de dez dias de distúrbios, exceto em duas cidades do leste, onde a situação ainda é tensa.

"A situação da segurança no Timor-Leste como um todo se acalmou, mas em Viqueque e Lautem ainda é tensa", disse um porta-voz da UNPol.

"As missões de avaliação do Governo e da ONU farão uma análise completa do efeito da violência e apresentarão uma lista das necessidades do povo, além da forma de atendê-las, o mais rápido possível", indicou o funcionário.

O presidente do Timor-Leste, José Ramos Horta, se reuniu hoje em Díli com o enviado especial do secretário-geral das ONU no país, Atul Khare, e com o novo primeiro-ministro, Xanana Gusmão, cuja nomeação, no dia 6, foi o estopim dos distúrbios.

Khare afirmou que discutiram a reforma necessária na segurança do país, que, segundo a Missão Transitória da ONU no Timor-Leste (Unmit), passa pela melhora da legislação e das relações entre as Forças Armadas e a Polícia.

"O fortalecimento do Exército e da Polícia é crucial para o desenvolvimento e modernização do Estado, e as Nações Unidas ajudarão o Governo a fazer com que o setor da segurança seja eficiente, efetivo e capaz", acrescentou Khare, também chefe da Unmit.

Gusmão pediu à população que esclareçam suas diferenças de maneira pacífica e através do diálogo, sem recorrer à violência, como ele faz com o secretário-geral da Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente (Fretilin), o ex-primeiro-ministro Mari Alkatiri.

"Alkatiri e eu temos grandes diferenças políticas, mas nos respeitamos e nos consideramos timorenses. Espero que o povo possa seguir nosso exemplo e não se enfrentar, como está ocorrendo em Baucau, Viqueque, Díli e outras partes do país", disse Gusmão.

A Fretilin ganhou as eleições legislativas de 30 de junho, com 21 deputados, mas Gusmão, em segundo lugar com o Conselho Nacional para a Reconstrução do Timor-Leste (CNRT), formou uma aliança de quatro partidos que juntos controlam 37 das 65 cadeiras do Parlamento unicameral.

Alkatiri pediu calma a seus seguidores e diz que não está por trás da violência, mas afirma que o Executivo formado é ilegal, porque a Constituição do país estabelece que o Governo deve ser formado pelo partido vencedor das eleições, o que não foi respeitado dessa vez.

O Timor-Leste atravessa uma crise política desde abril de 2006, quando a Fretilin governava, Gusmão era o presidente e o independente Ramos Horta tinha a pasta de Assuntos Exteriores.
As eleições presidenciais de 9 de maio (segundo turno) e as parlamentares de 30 de junho deste ano tiraram a Fretilin do poder, apesar de ser a legenda com maior base popular.


Todas as traduções de inglês para português (e também de francês para português) são feitas pela Margarida, que conhecemos recentemente, mas que desde sempre nos ajuda.

Obrigado pela solidariedade, Margarida!

Mensagem inicial - 16 de Maio de 2006

"Apesar de frágil, Timor-Leste é uma jovem democracia em que acreditamos. É o país que escolhemos para viver e trabalhar. Desde dia 28 de Abril muito se tem dito sobre a situação em Timor-Leste. Boatos, rumores, alertas, declarações de países estrangeiros, inocentes ou não, têm servido para transmitir um clima de conflito e insegurança que não corresponde ao que vivemos. Vamos tentar transmitir o que se passa aqui. Não o que ouvimos dizer... "

Malai Azul. Lives in East Timor/Dili, speaks Portuguese and English.
This is my blogchalk: Timor, Timor-Leste, East Timor, Dili, Portuguese, English, Malai Azul, politica, situação, Xanana, Ramos-Horta, Alkatiri, Conflito, Crise, ISF, GNR, UNPOL, UNMIT, ONU, UN.