H. Correia deixou um novo comentário na sua mensagem "Aussie soldiers accused of beating civilian guard":
“The allegations ... are completely baseless and false.”
Gato escondido com o rabo de fora.
Como é que o Governo federal australiano pode ter tanta certeza de que as alegações são falsas, se nem sequer ainda efectuou qualquer diligência para averiguar o que se passou?
Parece-me é que a Austrália resolveu assumir que aprova toda e qualquer prepotência da sua soldadesca, desde que cometida em território timorense, em vez de nos atirar poeira para os olhos com supostas "investigações" que nunca se chegam a realizar. Alguém sabe quais as conclusões das "investigações" sobre a bandeira australiana içada em edifício público timorense? dos blindados em cima dos corais? do oficial de polícia obrigado a despir-se em plena rua? dos mortos no aeroporto?
O povo australiano saberá disto?
O que me enoja mais é a atitude subserviente de Xanana e Ramos Horta, que continuam a permitir que o seu povo seja humilhado e enxovalhado desta maneira por esses bárbaros que vieram do Sul.
E o resto dos governantes e deputados da Nação? Estão mudos e quedos. Não têm um vestígio de dignidade ou de amor-próprio? Será que são meros paus-mandados dos seus donos? Ou têm medo de perder os tachos?
E os críticos de outrora? Onde está a Ana Gomes? Perdeu o gás? Onde estão os editoriais inflamados no STL? Onde estão a Lusa e os jornais portugueses que tinham enviado repórteres a Timor-Leste (ou deverei dizer: no Hotel Timor)?
quinta-feira, outubro 18, 2007
H. Correia deixou um novo comentário na sua mensagem "Aussie soldiers accused of beating civilian guard":
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 21:22
Oficial da UNPOL Não Autorizado a Testemunhar no Tribunal
A Missão Integrada da ONU em Timor-Leste não autorizará antigos oficiais da UNPOL a testemunharem como testemunhas num caso que está no Tribunal do Distrito de Dili em relação com eventos de 25 de Maio 2006.
“A ausência dos oficiais da UNPOL como testemunhas chave no tribunal pode prejudicar o processo judicial neste caso sério. Isso significa que a ONU não mostrou nenhuma vontade política para cumprir com as recomendações da Comissão Independente Especial de Inquérito de Outubro de 2006,” disse Timótio De Deus, Director do Programa de Monitorização do Sistema Judicial.
A UNMIT continua a dar um péssimo exemplo de desrespeito pelo tribunal que considerou sem fundamento as explicações dadas pela UNMIT para que este oficial da UNPOL testemunhasse em tribunal.
As Nações Unidas têm imunidade criminal, não se aplicando a testemunhos. A maior prova são os testemunhos diários de oficiais da UNPOL nos tribunais em Timor.
O Tribunal voltou a convocar o oficial da UNPOL que se encontra em Timor-Leste, não tendo ainda obtido qualquer resposta.
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 21:10
Timor-Leste Between a Rock and a Hard Place: former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri’s visit to Indonesia
Posted at Japan Focus on October 18, 2007.
Geoffrey Gunn and Andre Vltchek
This article provides an overview of the difficulties confronting East Timor, the Asia Pacific’s newest and poorest nation, and an interview with Mari Alkatiri.
It may on the surface appear odd that, recently out of office, the former Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (DRTL) and Secretary-General of FRETILIN, Mari Bim Amude Alkatiri, would choose in September 2007 to visit Jakarta, the capital of the country that brutally invaded and occupied the half-island country in 1975-76, targeting especially FRETILIN (Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor) and its supporters in the name of anti-communism. But Indonesia has changed, or has it? And FRETILIN, now in the opposition has changed, or has it? Or, is FRETILIN hedging its bets vis-a-vis Australia, the country whom many - FRETILIN included - believe has overstayed its visit, a reference to the re-insertion of Australian military forces in East Timor in mid- 2006 outside of United Nations control.
To be sure, the Republic of Indonesia now has an elected president in the wake of the fall of the dictatorial New Order regime of General Suharto in the throes of the Asian Economic Crisis of 1997-98, in large part owing to the efforts of Indonesia’s home-grown reformasi or pro-democracy movement. Beginning with Suharto’s anointed successor, B.J. Habibie, the President who authorized a UN poll that led to indepenence in East Timor/Timor-Leste in August 1999, Indonesia has witnessed a sea-change in its political and social landscape, sufficient to merit in the view of some the status of a new democracy. Though Indonesia has been the site of numerous terrorist attacks, Jakarta has also won Washington’s praise as a responsible ally in the “war on terror.” Having replaced Megawati Sukarnoputri (2001-2004), known for her hard-line stance on securing Indonesia’s territorial integrity, in turn replacing Abdulrahman Wahid (1999-2001), known for actually succoring Aceh and Papuan rights against military hardliners, former U.S-trained General President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-), and veteran of Indonesia’s war of occupation in East Timor, has hit the right chord in the West. Yet the transition of Indonesia from a military-dominated to civilian-dominated government is hardly a straight line, just as the fruits of the victory of the reformasi movement appear to have fallen to the old elite minus Suharto and family, just as the kleptokrat himself enjoys impunity protected by the military.
It is at this juncture that Mari Alkatiri traveled to Jakarta. Of course, in even more trying times, as Prime Minister of Timor-Leste Alkatiri dealt with all three Indonesian Presidents who succeeded Habibie, but undoubtedly he had the best rapport with Wahid. The Indonesia media tells us that he traveled to Indonesia at the invitation of Muhammadiyah organization, itself a supporter of the moderate National Mandate Party (PAN), to present a lecture at the Center for Dialogue and Civilizations on 11 September 2007. As a Muslim, and as a former Prime Minister, he was an obvious candidate. Muhammidiyah is the second largest Muslim organization in Indonesia with roots back to 1912. PAN was founded by Muslim intellectual Amien Rais in 1998 in a bid to become president. Even so, and for reasons better known to himself, Alkatiri sought to cement FRETILIN links with the minority upstart Muslim party, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party), better known for support of traditional Islamic even Islamicist causes. Although winning only 7 percent of votes in the national elections of 2004, it is also making significant gains in elections for regional heads of government. Party President Tifatul Sembiring reportedly responded positively to a FRETILIN pitch to establish friendly relations. 
Alkatiri has sought to position FRETILIN as a socialist as opposed to Marxist or communist party. As he explained to interlocutors in Jakarta, he was the Muslim Prime Minister of a Catholic majority country and, that FRETILIN remains committed to socialism. Such a perspective puts a brave face upon an orientation little understood inside communist-phobic Indonesia, much less Timor-Leste where print literacy runs extremely low, and where rabble-rousers have painted FRETILIN as a godless party. But outside of elite circles and for true believers in East Timor – and there are many - FRETILIN remains simply the party which delivered (actually recovered) independence. Although rare in post-colonial Southeast Asia, where parties leading the independence struggle often remain hegemonic across decades or even generations, FRETILIN, which won two successive elections, now finds itself in the opposition.
Born out of a 24-year guerrilla struggle and a Western-backed humanitarian intervention, and surviving on a lifeline of international goodwill following the Indonesian devastation of East Timor in the wake of the ballot of 1999 and again following wrenching internal violence commencing in mid-2006, East Timor has faced hard choices in meeting regional challenges. In part, this is a reference to relations with Muslim-majority Indonesia and. in part reference to Australia, a major aid donor in East Timor but a country that has played hardball in the negotiation of contested maritime boundaries and in the sharing of oil and gas revenues, crucial for East Timor’s survival. As Chief Minister under UN administration and as Prime Minister, Mari Alkatiri led negotiations over the Timor Sea Agreement, winning substantial concessions from a grudging Australia, although obliged to postpone legitimate international claims on maritime boundaries as Australia withdrew its accession to UN protocols on boundaries. As Prime Minister, Alkatiri also became the target of a concerted negative Australian media campaign in the wake of leadership clashes in East Timor in 2006, leading to his resignation on 26 June.
Ironies of the situation abound. Days before the devastating violence, Alkatiri had been congratulated by the World Bank President basically for adhering to Bank policies on lean government, fiscal frugality and pro-market policies. Timor-Leste under Alkatiri was no experiment in socialism. To be sure, as Alkatiri asserts, his administration was literally reborn out of the ashes, and much was achieved in five short years. Yet, for want of capacity, the nascent administration proved incapable at project management, procurement and implementation, leaving spending gaps across the macro-economy despite the government’s budget surplus. If timely government spending and foreign investment could have helped to kick start the rural and urban economy, rising urban youth unemployment and frustration at the lack of development fueled popular anger. While such ineptness could be attributed to lack of experience and managerial capability on the part of the Alkatiri cabinet, the premature withdrawal on the part of the UN successor mission was also damaging.
Alkatiri erred, however, in his cabinet appointments. The choice of Rogerio Lobato (Minister of Interior), sentenced to seven and a half years imprisonment for distributing weapons to civilians, may have been fatal for Timor-Leste. Even so, one wonders as to the efficacy of international advice and support which saw favoritism in both police and military recruitment among other anomalies. Such a bias in defense force recruitment favoring western recruits over easterners was in fact the pretext used by former Australia-trained Major Alfredo Reinado to defect in May 2006 joining an earlier group of rebels from the new nation’s defense forces. Taking advice from the UN, Alkatiri was correct in cashiering the mutineers. Still on the lam after an August 2006 prison breakout, Reinado, who has won a large popular following in the center-west of the country, has been succored by both former President Jose Xanana Gusmao and former Foreign Minister/Prime Minister Jose Ramos-Horta.
Although Alkatiri was personally cleared by a UN Commission of complicity in acts of illicit arms distribution, his opponents, both internal and external – and there were many – seized upon this innuendo to bring down the government. Alkatiri complained of an orchestrated coup attempt by unnamed actors, widely believed to be the Catholic Church and Australia, if not the government then the media. Both the then President Gusmao and the then foreign minister Ramos-Horta also hardened elite divisions fueling what some observers incorrectly labeled as ethnic divisions. Gusmao was censored by the UN Commission for inflaming community divisions at the height of the crisis. Certainly Australia’s Howard government was not displeased by regime change in Timor-Leste. The individual at the center of allegations that forced Alkatiri to resign was only arrested in Dili in early October 2007, a year after the evidence came to light. This was Vincente de Conceicao, alias Commander Railos, who the UN Commission determined had led 32 fighters in ambushes against Timorese soldiers killing at least nine. The Commission determined that he was supplied with weapons by Lobato. As echoed in a high profile Australian television documentary, Railos alleged that Alkatiri was personally involved in setting up a hit squad to eliminate political rivals. For its part, FRETILIN counter-claimed that Railos carried a travel authorization letter provided by Gusmao. 
Notwithstanding the human costs of the tragedy of 2006, which left some 15,000 people as internally displaced persons and earned the nation the sobriquet of “broken state,” legitimacy had to flow from the ballot box. In UN-monitored elections held in June 2007, FRETILIN emerged as the single largest vote winner (29 percent) albeit short of a majority. Having been elected to the Presidency, narrowly eclipsing a rival from the Democrat Party (PD) in a first round of voting, Ramos-Horta invited the former President turned Prime Minister Gusmao to form the government at the head of his Parliamentary Majority Alliance. (In other words President and Prime Minister swapped jobs). The strongest party in this Alliance is the Social Democratic Party with links with UDT, FRETILIN’s historic rival. The defection from FRETILIN of the current Deputy Prime Minister Jose Gutteres and supporters worked in favor of Gusmao. Gusmao’s hastily formed umbrella party has little coherence and is short on policies. PD, which comprised the de facto opposition under the FRETILIN government, remains sidelined. With good reason, FRETILIN, the majority party, regards the process whereby the government was installed as unconstitutional, but it has abandoned the idea of a legal challenge to the virtual constitutional coup carried out by Ramos-Horta while continuing to boycott the parliament. The World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and the major donors are now moving to influence the new administration. Land commodification is one outcome favored by the international institutions, and the FRETILIN preference for onshore LNG processing will undoubtedly be overridden at Australian bidding. Gusmao has made known his preference to dip into the Petroleum Fund to fund government programs. The funds are not wanting as the Petroleum Fund is accruing several million dollars a month (far more than previously projected), but deliverance is hardly guaranteed under the Gusmao administration even if, as Alkatiri suggests, the new administration will basically follow the FRETILIN administration’s leads. 
Trading Truth for Friendship
As victims of crimes against humanity, bordering upon genocide in the views of some, East Timor rode a wave of international sympathy as international norms shifted towards humanitarian intervention and the need for justice to be seen to be done. But, alongside Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, Indonesia was granted time to build its own prosecutorial case against those accused of crimes in East Timor during the narrow period of the election and independence in 1999. Even when the UN-backed Special Court in Dili indicted a sheet of Indonesian military figures, including General Wiranto for “crimes against humanity,” (the so-called “Masters of Terror”),  Indonesia did not honor the extradition warrants. Gusmao went as far as visiting Wiranto in Indonesia in a bid to ease tensions with the new nation’s powerful neighbor. In 2003, then DRTL Foreign Minister Ramos-Horta even asserted that there was no need for an international tribunal because “Indonesia had changed.”
Initially, FRETILIN and Alkatiri distanced themselves from this position, which let Indonesia off the hook in the interests of international reconciliation. Alkatiri had been strident in calling for justice at a time when Indonesian President Megawati was deflecting the judicial process in Jakarta. While Alkatiri is not explicit, the temptations to gain membership in ASEAN undoubtedly overweighed his earlier insistence on prosecuting perpetrators of atrocities. ASEAN’s trademark contribution to regionalism remains its principle of “non-interference” in the internal affairs of member countries. One can only assume that the troika of DRTL President, Foreign Minister, and belatedly former Prime Minister were read the riot act on this tacit understanding.
The so-called Commission of Truth and Friendship (CTF) founded by Indonesia and East Timor in 2005 thus emerged as the key institutional mechanism whereby the two countries would seek to bury the past. Such a formula is all the more surprising as the international community had already invested millions of dollars and years of work in sponsoring the Commission for Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation in East Timor (CAVR) which handed down specific recommendations on justice for the victims of crimes against humanity.  The UN has consistently called for an International Tribunal to try the perpetrators of the crimes committed in East Timor. As recently as July 2007 it announced that it would not dignify the CTF owing to its amnesty provisions. As the UN spokesperson asserted on this occasion, “the Organization cannot endorse or condone amnesties for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes or gross violations of human rights, nor should it do anything that might foster them.” 
By joining elite consensus on reconciliation, even FRETILIN is seen by many in Timor, from victims to activist NGOs, as out of touch with popular sentiment. In light of his earlier position, it is indeed surprising to many that Alkatiri would now defend the work of the CTF in Jakarta. The Indonesian people as much their leadership need to know the truth of events in East Timor. They could do worse than read the Bahasa Indonesia version of the CAVR report and act upon its recommendations.
 “Alkatiri bertemu ifatel," September 11, 2007,
 Lindsay Murdoch, "Timor guerilla held for assembling “death squad”, The Age,
 “Fretilin calls on Ramos-Horta to sack prosecutor general,” Fretililn Media Release, 16 October 2007.
 Richard Tanter, Desmond Ball and Gerry van Klinken (eds.), Masters of Terror: Indonesia’s Military and Violence in East Timor, Latham: MD., Rowman & Littlefield, 2005.
 Text here.
 “Timor-Leste: UN to boycott truth panel unless it bars amnesty for gross abuses,” UN News Centre, July 26, 2007
*** *** ***
The Future of Timor Leste: an Interview With Mari Alkatiri
Andre Vltchek (Asiana Press Agency)
Q: What is the relationship between Indonesia and East Timor right now?
A: Relations are very good, although we still have some pending, minor issues that have to be resolved, such as assets and the land border. We hope that these issues can be resolved by the end of this year. And of course we have the Commission of Truth and Friendship working and we are waiting for the report on its findings.
Q: How much do you really expect from the Commission of Truth and Friendship?
A: I am already out of power and out of the government, so I can’t really tell too much. But I think that if some truth comes from their work, it will be very important. Both nations need to know the truth. I also believe that the process of democratization in both countries will eventually bring solutions to the existent problems.
Q: But can a conclusion be reached given the fact that the people of Indonesia do not know what their own government and military did during the occupation of East Timor?
A: That’s exactly the point. Solutions will be possible only if both sides are informed about what really occurred. The path to the solution is the truth. People have to socialize; they have to understand. I think this is the main target. If achieved, then our two countries could start afresh. Whether to seek justice or to offer amnesty, that’s up to the Commission to decide. In the meantime, both governments have to deal with this issue very carefully, in order to strengthen their friendship and not jeopardize everything.
Q: But we are not talking simply about human rights violations; we are talking about genocide. One third of the population of a small nation either disappeared or died as a consequence of the occupation…
A: We still have the Commission working on the issue of the disappearances. As recently as last week I had a meeting with the Red Cross, and of course they are also working on this matter of the disappeared… This issue has to be cleared; there are still families whose members are missing. Their beloved fathers and mothers and other family members… But these things take time.
Q: How receptive is the Indonesian military and government, and even the public? How receptive are they to taking responsibility for the decades of occupation and its consequences?
A: I think this question has to be addressed to them. But I feel that they are moving in the right direction.
Q: When you meet members of the Indonesian public do they know what happened in your country? Do they realize the scale of what occurred?
A: I don’t think so… I don’t think so. The general public does not realize the scale. And they definitely need to know.
Q: When you meet government officials here, and the next morning you read the local newspapers, do you feel that the issue is receiving objective and detailed coverage?
A: It is not easy for officials here to deal with this issue, because Indonesia is still in a short transition from one regime to another… and they need to deal with these kinds of issues very carefully. We have to understand this.
Q: Do you see some similarities between what happened in your country and what is happening now in Papua?
A: Yes, there is some resistance now in Papua. All of us know it very well. Aceh is over, but Papua is still facing problems.
Q: Coming back to Timor Leste, what is your country’s position right now? You are negotiating with the Pacific Islands Forum, you are improving ties with Indonesia, and relations with Australia are strained …
A: This is the dilemma of a small country. We are in between two regional blocks and we really have to weigh our options. We applied to be a member of ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations], we are already members of ARF [ASEAN Regional Forum], but we are also benefiting from the status of observer at the Pacific Islands Forum. Unfortunately we can’t be members of both. Yes, unfortunately; otherwise it would be easier for us. We feel divided. We would still like to cooperate with the Pacific Forum while being members of ASEAN. Maybe, one day, things will change and we will be allowed to be members of both.
Q: What is your relationship with Australia right now?
A: As prime minister I defended the interests of my people. I did nothing against Australia. But some people interpreted defending the interests of my people as going against Australia. I was never against Australia, but I was elected prime minister of Timor Leste and I had to deal with extremely complicated issues related to the resources vital to my country -- resources under the Timor Sea. I did my best to get as much as possible for my people. It’s not a crime.
Q: There was a lot of arm-twisting on the part of Australia. In the end, a compromise was reached between the two countries. Are you satisfied with the conclusion?
A: Australia made a big effort to come to agreement with us. We are still not satisfied, because we think that 100% of the wealth should belong to us. But it’s better to have 50% than nothing. This is the point.
Q: Did you ever feel that your country had almost no chance against such a mighty nation as Australia? Your country went to several international courts and bodies, seeking arbitration. Australia simply withdrew from the International Court of Justice's jurisdiction on the maritime boundary with East Timor.
A: Let’s be realistic. This is how the world functions. But you have to struggle, and attempt to do the best for your people. Sometimes when you do it, you create enemies. But you have to be courageous. I believe that if we had gotten into the court, we would definitely have won. I am a lawyer myself and had been consulting people from many countries. I was confident. But since Australia decided to withdraw from the court -- the international court is not like some domestic court – you can’t really appeal to the court if the other country doesn’t accept its jurisdiction. Such situations always favor the big powers, never the small countries. They can only struggle, until the point when they realize that they are getting as much as it is possible to get under the present rules… and then they have to accept it.
Q: There is still great disappointment and bitterness regarding developments in the country among many FRETILIN members [Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor]. But where does FRETILIN stand now, what is its position in Timor Leste?
A: We won the recent elections. We had five years of very difficult governance from war and independence, because the situation we inherited was very complex. We had to start from zero, but some people didn’t understand that we had no state, no institutions. Of course we had the Constitution and government -- an elected President and Parliament -- but the state as an institution – no. We had to build everything from nothing, including the legal framework. Without having a real state, you cannot develop coherent socio-economic policies. This is the point. But it is very difficult to explain it to the people who have very high expectations from the moment of independence. To summarize, FRETILIN provided the country with extremely high expectations but we could not satisfy those expectations in a very short time. People fought for 24 years to get their independence. After they won it, it was impossible to achieve everything overnight. We had to build the nation and the state simultaneously.
Q: In your opinion, how successful was the process of building the nation and the state? Was it, after all, a success, given that it took place in such a short time?
A: Even with the crises of 2006, it was a success. Many things were done. We achieved very solid macro-economic and fiscal management. We created a legal framework and we gave the country functioning institutions. Everything was done based on the rule of law. And you cannot do this overnight. I still believe that in four years we achieved more than many other countries did in 10 to 20 years, especially when it comes to the efforts of state building. We inherited the country with absolutely no money. No single penny belonged to us and at the beginning we had to work only with donor money. Thanks to successful negotiations with Australia we now have our own budget. And suddenly it is easy to promise things to the people. But from 2002 until 2005 it was still impossible to make any realistic promise.
Q: With the revenues from oil and gas, how dramatic will the changes be in Timor Leste?
A: If the revenues are well managed, the entire social and economic situation will change dramatically. Now we are really able to respond to the needs of ex-combatants. They can receive a house and some pension. We are in a position to deliver.
Q: FRETILIN is historically a left-wing movement. When I discussed this issue with President Xanana Gusmao a few years ago, he was already moving away from Marxism. But to what extent is FRETILIN still a left-wing, socialist force?
A: FRETILIN has never been a Marxist movement. As a movement and as a front, it tried to include everybody. And if you include everybody, you cannot be ideological. Secondly, who in 1981 declared FRETILIN to be a Marxist-Leninist party? It was Xanana himself.
Q: But then he denied it…
A: Exactly. Soon he realized that he had made a mistake. Then he tried to change everything, just to show to the people that he was no longer a Marxist. Despite everything, the present-day FRETILIN is a full member of the Socialist International.
Q: What does it mean practically, in Timor Leste?
A: Practically FRETILIN, as any other party that wins elections, has to tackle real problems -- poverty, and the need for better education and healthcare. Our Constitution promises free education and free healthcare. But the main issue is to eradicate poverty in the country. You cannot survive as a government if you cannot progress on these issues. Today, in Dili, they are discussing plans for the new government and it is already obvious that it will be nothing else than a clear copy of the plans implemented by my government earlier. They keep saying that they will change this and that, but in reality there will be no major changes, just continuity. The only difference is that they can now promise more then us, because they have funds.
Q: Where is it all going to lead?
A: We had already started to implement new policies in 2005 and 2006. We paid more attention to community development, ex-combatants, veterans, widows and orphans. As soon as oil revenues began to arrive, we increased the budget twice and now three times. And we started with the programs dealing with rural development. We also began the process of decentralization, with pilot projects in four districts.
Q: Education remains the main challenge. Timor Leste’s two official languages are Portuguese and Tetum How is this and other problems worked out in the schools?
A: From our population of about 1 million, at least 300,000 children and adults have to go to school, every day. It means that we need at least 6,000 to 7,000 qualified teachers. We got 300 teachers from Portugal and we are trying to get many from Indonesia. One problem we have is the language. Many people still don’t speak Portuguese well, while their Bahasa Indonesian is degenerating.
Q: Despite all the problems your country is facing, do you remain optimistic?
A: Yes, definitely. Our entire country passed through very difficult period. All of us should learn lessons from the crises and try to resolve them politically. On the international level, we are squeezed between two giants – Indonesia and Australia. We need to have good relationships with both. But with Indonesia it is not an option – it is a must.
MARI ALKATIRI (born 26 November 1949) was the first prime minister of an internationally-recognized East Timor. He served from May 2002 until he resigned on 26 June 2006 following weeks of political unrest in the country. He is the secretary-general of FRETILIN. backing but is opposed by Australia's Howard Government.
ANDRE VLTCHEK: novelist, playwright, journalist and filmmaker, Editorial Director of Asiana Press Agency (www.asiana-press-agency.com), co-founder of Mainstay Press publishing house for political fiction. His latest novel “Point of No Return” tells the story of war correspondents in several conflict zones, including East Timor. He was intensively covering East Timor, mainly during the occupation by Indonesia. He is presently living and working in Asia and South Pacific and can be reached at: firstname.lastname@example.org. Andre Vltchek interviewed Mari Alkatiri on September 13, in the Sultan Hotel in Jakarta, Indonesia.
Geoff Gunn is Professor of International Relations, Nagasaki University and a specialist on Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia, East Timor and Malaya. He wrote this article for Japan Focus.
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 17:07
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National Media Reports
Alkatiri: Xanana Did Conspiracy to Tackle Down Fretilin Government
The Fretilin Secretary-General Mari Alkatiri has allegedthe former President of the Republic Xanana Gusmão was actively involved in a political conspiracy to depose the Fretilin Government in 2006.
“The conspiracy also involes the former Chief of the Presidential Office who was recorded in a Timor Telecom conversation.
Don’t hide your involvement and don’t accuse others,” said Mr. Mari Alkatiri. (STL)
Fretilin has Defamed Longuinhos
The Prosecutor General of the Republic, Mr. Longuinhos Monteiro has stated that although Fretilin has defamed him, he will not take political action but he may take legal action.
“Fretilin’s public statements about my involvement in a phone conversation are defamatory.
I have a right to reclaim my good name through legal procedures.” said Mr. Longuinhos. (STL)
UNPOL Officer Not Allowed to Testify in Court
The United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste will not allow a former UNPOL officers testify as a witness in case before the Dili District Court in relation to the events of 25 May 2006.
“The absence of UNPOL officers as key witnesses in court could hinder the judicial process for this serious case.
It means that the UN has showed no political will to comply with recommendation of Independent Special Commission of Inquiry published on October 2006,” said Timotio De Deus, Director of Judicial System Monitoring Programme. (STL)
International Security Forces Reject Fretilin Allegation
ISF has rejected a statement from the Fretilin Party accusing the ISF of hitting and torturing two people in Dili on Sunday night.
ISF Commander, Mr. John Hutcheson, asked for local media to confirm first with ISF before publicising such claims.
He said the accusation is not true and that the ISF presence in East Timor is to secure East Timorese people to allow them to resolve problems and differences. (STL)
Alkatiri Believes Xanana behind the tapping of phone conversation
The Secretary General of the Fretilin Party, Mari Alkatiri has stated that he believes the former President, Xanana Gusmão, was behind the phone tapping of a conversation between the Prosecutor General Longuinhos Monteiro and the former member of parliament Leandro Isac and government staffer, Agio Pereira.
“I believe that through Agio Pereira, who was part of the conversation, Xanana will have to face justice. As a President, he has always the knowledge of everything that Agio does”, Said Alkatiri. (TP)
Horta Ready to Have the Debate about the Presence of ISF
The President José Ramos Horta, is ready to have debate on the presence of International Security Forces in the country.
“I am ready to go to the Parliament because the presence of the ISF should be with the consent of the Parliament.” said the President on Wednesday. (TP)
UNPOL Presence Gives Difficulty for PNTL’s Action
Timor Leste National Police (PNTL) is concerned about UNPol , which at times is complicating their policing tasks.
“It is very difficult because everything is under an Agreement that states we need to go through a screening process and then continue work within a mentoring process.
This creates difficulties within our jobs,” said Inspector Afonso de Jesus at his office yesterday. (TP)
Government Should Promote the Local Product
The NGO HASATIL together with other national NGOs’ and agricultural students have staged a peaceful protest in front of parliament requesting the Government to promote local products to reduce poverty.
According to organiser Arsenio Pereira da Silva, their objective is to diminish poverty in Timor- Leste through stimulating national products. (TP)
Giving subsidy for the Petitioners according to the policy of old government
The Government’s plan pay a pension to the Petitioners will be administered by the Ministry of Social Solidarity, but will be paid according to old government policy.
“We would like to pay the subsidy according to the old government policy. But we would also like to say that there is no change in the total amount of the subsidy,” said the Minister of Social Solidarity, Maria Domingas Alves. (TP)
Too Early for the ISF to leave
The President of the Republic, José Ramos-Horta, said there is no hurry to ask the ISF to return home because their presence is still needed until the reformation of the security sector.
He also added that if the Fretilin party would like ISF to go, then they should argue this in the parliament because the parliament is the only entity able to legalise it. (DN)
No Law to Prohibit Prosecutor General’s Private conversations
The Prosecutor General, Longuinhos Monteiro, said Fretilin is engaging in cheap propaganda because there is no law against private phone conversations.
“I see that the publication which is done by the FRETILIN leaders serves as a defamation for my credibility and to have concern on my private life which protected by the constitution”. (DN)
National Parliament Should Ratify ISF Mandate
The Chief of the ASDT Party in the National Parliament, Mr. Jose Manuel Carascalao stated that National Parliament should ratify the ISF mandate in order to give it legal force.
“The ASDT is ready to support the presence of the ISF in East Timor,” said Mr. Jose Manuel Carascalao. (DN)
Tradução da Margarida:
UNMIT – MONITORIZAÇÃO DOS MEDIA – Quinta-feira, 18 Outubro 2007
"A UNMIT não assume nenhuma responsabilidade pela correcção dos artidos ou pela correcção das traduções. A selecção dos artigos e o seu conteúdo não indicam apoio ou endosso pela UNMIT expresso ou de qualquer forma implícito. A UNMIT não será responsável por qualquer consequência que resulte da publicação da ou do confiar em tais artigos ou traduções."
Relatos dos Media Nacionais
Alkatiri: Xanana Conspirou para Derrubar o Governo da Fretilin
O Secretário-Geral da Fretilin Mari Alkatiri alegou que o antigo Presidente da República Xanana Gusmão esteve activamente envolvido numa conspiração política para derrubar o Governo da Fretilin em 2006.
“A conspiração envolveu o antigo Chefe do Gabinete Presidencial que foi gravado numa conversa telefónica.
Não esconda o seu envolvimento e não acuse outros,” disse o Sr. Mari Alkatiri. (STL)
Fretilin Difamou Longuinhos
O Procurador-Geral da República, Sr. Longuinhos Monteiro afirmou que apesar de a Fretilin o ter difamado não tomará acção política mas poderá tomar acção legal.
“As declarações públicas da Fretilin acerca do meu envolvimento numa conversa telefónica são difamatórias.
Tenho o direito de reclamar o meu bom nome através de procedimentos legais.” Dosse o Sr. Longuinhos. (STL)
Oficial da UNPOL Não Autorizado a Testemunhar no Tribunal
A Missão Integrada da ONU em Timor-Leste não autorizará antigos oficiais da UNPOL a testemunharem como testemunhas num caso que está no Tribunal do Distrito de Dili em relação com eventos de 25 de Maio 2006.
“A ausência dos oficiais da UNPOL como testemunhas chave no tribunal pode prejudicar o processo judicial neste caso sério.
Isso significa que a ONU não mostrou nenhuma vontade política para cumprir com as recomendações da Comissão Independente Especial de Inquérito de Outubro de 2006,” disse Timótio De Deus, Director do Programa de Monitorização do Sistema Judicial. (STL)
Força Internacional de Segurança Rejeita Alegações da Fretilin
A ISF rejeitou uma declaração da Fretilin acusando a ISF de agredir e torturar duas pessoas em Dili no Domingo à noite.
O Comandante da ISF, Sr. John Hutcheson, pediu aos media locais para confirmarem primeiro com a ISF antes de publicar tais queixas.
Disse que a acusação não é verdadeira e que a presença da ISF em Timor-Leste é para dar segurança aos Timorenses e possibilitarem que resolvam os problemas e diferenças. (STL)
Alkatiri Acredita que Xanana está por detrás da gravação da conversa telefónica
O Secretário-Geral da Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri afirmou que acredita que o antigo Presidente, Xanana Gusmão, esteve por detrás da gravação telefónica da conversa entre o Procurador-Geral Longuinhos Monteiro e o antigo membro do Parlamento Nacional Leandro Isac e o empregado do governo, Agio Pereira.
“Acredito que por intermédio de Agio Pereira, que participava na conversa, Xanana terá de enfrentar a justiça. Como Presidente, sabia sempre de tudo o que Agio faz”, disse Alkatiri. (TP)
Horta Pronto para o Debate acerca da Presença da ISF
O Presidente José Ramos Horta, está pronto para o debate sobre a presença da Força Internacional de Segurança no país.
“Estou pronto par ir ao Parlamento por causa da presença da ISF caso deve ter o consentimento do Parlamento.” disse o Presidente na Quarta-feira. (TP)
Presença da UNPOL torna difícil a acção da PNTL
A Polícia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL) está preocupada com a UNPol , que às vezes complica as suas tarefas de policiamento.
“É muito difícil porque tudo está sob o Acordo que afirma que precisamos de ir através do processo de escrutínio e depois continuar a trabalhar dentro de um processo de acompanhamento.
Isto cria dificuldades no seio do nosso trabalho,” disse o Inspector Afonso de Jesus ontem no seu gabinete. (TP)
Governo Deve Promover os Produtos Locais
A ONG HASATIL juntamente com outras ONG’s e estudantes de agricultura promoveram um protesto pacífico em frente ao parlamento pedindo ao Governo para promover os produtos locais para reduzir a pobreza.
De acordo com o organizador Arsenio Pereira da Silva, o objectivo é diminuir a pobreza em Timor- Leste através do estímulo à produção nacional. (TP)
Dar subsídio aos peticionários de acordo com a política do governo antigo
O plano do Governo de pagar uma pensão aos peticionários será administrado pelo Ministério da Solidariedade Social mas será pago de acordo com a política do governo antigo.
“Gostaríamos de pagar o subsídio de acordo com a política do governo antigo. Mas gostaríamos também de dizer que não há mudança na quantia total so subsídio,” disse a Ministra da Solidariedade Social, Maria Domingas Alves. (TP)
Demasiado cedo para a ISF sair
O Presidente da República, José Ramos-Horta, disse que não há pressa para pedir à ISF para voltar para casa porque a sua presença é ainda necessária até à reforma do sector da segurança.
Acrescentou ainda que a Fretilin gostaria que a ISF saísse, então devem argumentar isso no parlamento porque é lá o único sítio para legalizar isso. (DN)
Não há lei que proiba conversas privadas do Procurador-Geral
O Procurador-Geral, Longuinhos Monteiro, disse que a Fretilin está engajada em propaganda barata porque não há lei contra conversas telefónicas pró«ivadas.
“Vejo que a publicação que é feita por líderes da FRETILIN servem como difamação da minha credibilidade e dizem respeito à minha vida privada o que é protegido pela constituição”. (DN)
Parlamento Nacional deve ratificar mandato da ISF Mandate
O Chefe da ASDT no Parlamento Nacional, Sr. Jose Manuel Carascalão afirmou que o Parlamento Nacional deve ratificar o mandato da ISF de modo a dar-lhe força legal.
“A ASDT está pronta a apoiar a presença da ISF em Timor-Leste,” disse o Sr. Jose Manuel Carrascalão. (DN)
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 17:00
The Southeast Asian Times
From News Reports:
Dili, October 18:
East Timor's major political party Fretilin has called on President Jose Ramos Horta to dismiss the Prosecutor General Longuinhos Monteiro following new evidence that he conspired to bring down the former Fretilin government.
The call was made after the national parliament listened to a tape recording of a mobile telephone conversation between Monteiro and two anti-Fretilin political figures. The recording was obtained by Dili newspaper Jornal Tempo Semanal which published the transcript on October 1.
Heard speaking with Monteiro were former Member of Parliament Leandro Isaac, a close ally of army rebel Alfredo Reinado, and Herminigildo "Agio" Pereria, the former chief of staff to then president Xanana Gusmao who is now prime minister.
Herminigildo Pereria is now Secretary of State for the Council of Ministers in the Gusmao government.
The United Nations Independent Special Commission of Inquiry in October last year reported that Leandro Isaac -armed with a Steyr rifle - was present during an attack on the home of army commander Brigadier General Ruak on May 24 2006 and recommended the Prosecutor General investigate 'whether Leandro Isaac had any culpable involvement in the crimes committed.'
"Prosecutor General Monteiro ignored the UN recommendation to investigate Leandro Isaac, and now we understand why," FRETILIN parliamentary leader Aniceto Guterres said yesterday.
Guterres told parliament that the intercepted phone conversation revealed Monteiro, who was appointed by former president Gusmao, had "extremely close ties to politicians involved with the 2006 crisis aimed at bringing down the Fretilin government and creating instability which resulted in almost 150,000 Timorese becoming internally displaced and nearly 6,000 homes destroyed, as well as deaths and injuries."
"Mr Longuinhos Monteiro no longer has the requisite trust to continue to perform the functions of the prosecutor general with independence, in accordance with the law and without political interference," Guterres said.
He told parliament President Ramos Horta must remove Monteiro and initiate an investigation into his role during the 2006 crisis.
He said the involvement of Herminigildo Pereria in the conversation "shows everyone that another institution of state sovereignty -the Presidency of the Republic through his Chief of Staff - was involved with groups who took action to bring down the Fretilin government."
Guterres told parliament that following publication of the transcript of the phone conversation, Prosecutor General Monteiro had abused his power and position by threatening the journalist who wrote the story and also threatening to initiate an investigation into a non-government organization which accused Monteiro of corruption.
Guterres said Monteiro had taken no action on a formal complaint by Fretilin of unlawful use of its party symbols during the recent parliamentary election.
"This case had grave consequences and prejudice for Fretilin during the election campaign and created confusion amongst the voters. But until this day, (our complaint) has not moved forward at all. Is it because the case involved a complaint by Fretilin, whom the Prosecutor General has been conspiring from the beginning to bring down?"
For a transcript of the intercepted phone conversation contact Peter Murphy in Sydney 0418 312 301
Phone 61 2 9345 4966
Fax 61 2 9345 4955
Mobile 0418 272 382
Tradução da Margarida:
Gravação leva a pedidos para a demissão do procurador-geral
The Southeast Asian Times
De News Reports:
Dili, Outubro 18:
O maior partido politico de Timor-Leste, a Fretilin, pediu ao Presidente José Ramos Horta para demitir o Procurador-Geral Longuinhos Monteiro depois de nova evidência de que ele conspirou para derrubar o antigo governo da Fretilin.
O pedido foi feito depois de o Parlamento Nacional ter ouvido uma gravação de uma conversa de telemóvel entre Monteiro e duas figuras políticas anti-Fretilin. A gravação foi obtida pelo jornal de Dili Jornal Tempo Semanal que publicou a transcrição em 1 de Outubro.
Ouvidos a falar com Monteiro estavam o antigo deputado Leandro Isaac, um aliado próximo do amotinado Alfredo Reinado, e Herminigildo "Agio" Pereria, o chefe de gabinete do então presidente Xanana Gusmao que é agora primeeiro-ministro.
Herminigildo Pereria é agora Secretário de Estado para o Conselho de Ministros no governo de Gusmão.
A Comissão de Inquérito da ONU em Outubro do ano passado relatou que Leandro Isaac –armado com uma carabina Steyr – esteve presente durante o ataque à casa do comandante das forças armadas Brigadeiro General Ruak em 24 de Maio de2006 e recomendou que o Procurador-.Geral investigasse 'se Leandro Isaac teve algum envolvimento culposo nos crimes cometidos.'
"O Procurador-Geral Monteiro ignorou as recomendações da ONU para investigar Leandro Isaac, e compreendemos agora porquê," disse ontem o líder parlamentar da FRETILIN Aniceto Guterres.
Guterres disse ao parlamento que a conversa telefónica interceptada revelou que Monteiro, que foi nomeado pelo antigo presidente Gusmão, tinha "laços extremamente próximos com politicos envolvidos na crise de 2006 que visava derrubar o governo da Fretilin e criar instabilidade que resultou em quase 150,000 Timorenses que se tornaram deslocados e perto de 6,000 casas destruídas, bem como mortes e ferisos."
"O Sr Longuinhos Monteiro já não tem mais a confiança requerida para continuar a desempenhar as funções de procurador-geral com independência, de acordo com a lei e sem interferência política," disse Guterres.
Disse ao parlamento que o Presidente Ramos Horta deve remover Monteiro e iniciar uma investigação ao seu papel durante a crise de 2006.
Disse que o envolvimento de Herminigildo Pereria na conversa "mostra a todos que outra instituição de soberania do Estado –a Presidência da República através do Chefe do Gabinete – estava envolvida com grupos que actuaram para derrubar o governo da Fretilin."
Guterres disse ao parlamento que após a publicação da transcrição da conversa telefónica que o Procurador-Geral Monteiro tinha abusado dos seus poderes e posições e ameaçou o jornalista que escreveu a história e que ameaçou ainda iniciar uma investigação a uma ONG que acusou Monteiro de corrupção.
Guterres disse que Monteiro não tomou nenhuma acção numa queixa formal da Fretilin de uso ilegítimo dos seus símbolos partidários durante as recentes eleições legislativas.
"este caso teve consequências graves e prejuízos para a Fretilin durante a campanha eleitoral e criou confusão entre os eleitores. Mas até hoje, a nossa queixa não avançou nada. É por a queixa ser da Fretilin, contra quem o Procurador-Geraç tem estado a conspirer desde o princípio para derrubar?"
Para uma transcrição da conversa telefónica interceptada contactar Peter Murphy em Sydney 0418 312 301
Phone 61 2 9345 4966
Fax 61 2 9345 4955
Mobile 0418 272 382
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 08:29
"O Departamento da Defesa diz que alegações de que seis soldados Australianos agrediram um guarda de segurança Timorense não têm base e são falsas."
Pois bem, aqui estão as provas:
Abílio Fátima, vítima de espancamento por parte de soldados australianos.
Por não abandonar o seu local de trabalho (segurança privado). Depois de ter perguntado porque não andavam os militares a tentar capturar Reinado...
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 05:37
Perth Norg - Wednesday, 17th October 2007
I recently found myself in Dili, Timor-Leste (East Timor) and discovered that the plight of the average person on the street is no different than it was before independance.
There were rumors of violence between the two UNHCR encampments that are on either side of the major road in and out of Dili and UNPOL (United Nations Police) were highly visible at every intersection and on every roundabout. As I walked along the side streets of Dili, children played along side burnt out cars and semi-demolished houses while heavily armed Australian troops patrolled through the area. It was almost surreal seeing these soldiers walking what could be an outer suburb of Perth or any Australian city for that matter, with fingers on trigger guards and a very nervous air about them.
What is happening to the millions of dollars of oil and gas money that is flowing into Timor-Leste? Per capita, this fledgling country is one of the wealthiest in the region now and yet there is no health care, housing is poor, sanitation worse, roads are in places impassible in the center of the city and there IS a new Presidential Palace, the new Foreign Ministry Complex cost half of this years expected GDP to complete and there is now no cement left in the country!
Have we forgotten these people? Where is the pressure from the International Community to stop this corruption and blatant waste of money.
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 05:34
Blogue Jorge Heitor - Terça, 16 de Outubro de 2007
O general José Maria de Vasconcelos, “Taur Matan Ruak”, de 51 anos, vai ser reconduzido como Chefe do Estado-Maior General das Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste, afirmou à imprensa de Díli o secretário de estado da Defesa, Júlio Tomás Pinto.
Na prática, ele já é há seis anos comandante das tropas timorenses, faltando só confirmá-lo formalmente como Chefe do Estado-Maior. E o ano passado chegou a ser encarado como um eventual candidato à Presidência da República, para a sucessão de Xanana Gusmão.
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 05:33
Article from: AAP
By Jane Bunce
October 18, 2007 01:28am
ALLEGATIONS that six Australian soldiers beat a civilian Timorese security guard are baseless and false, the Defence Department says.
Fretilin, an East Timorese political party that lost power earlier this year, today in the country's Parliament recounted the allegations of the beating that supposedly occurred last Sunday, October 14.
Fretilin MP Antoninho Bianco cited claims made by security guard Abilio Fatima, 41, that two ADF vehicles containing about 12 soldiers pulled up about 10.30pm at a Government warehouse in the Dili suburb of Kintal Bot.
Six soldiers got out and ordered Fatima and the neighbours he was speaking with to go inside, according to the allegations.
Fatima explained through the soldiers' interpreter that he was on duty and should stay at his post.
He claimed he was attacked after he asked why the soldiers were concerned with ordinary citizens instead of fugitive rebel soldier Alfredo Reinado, who deserted the East Timorese military amid political unrest in 2006.
“Mr Fatima alleged that after he mentioned Reinado he was immediately struck with rifle butts many times in the head, upper arms and back, and then bitten on the right upper arm by a soldier's guard dog,” Fretilin said.
“Two of his neighbours were also assaulted and fled to their homes, but Mr Fatima stayed at his post.
“Next morning, Mr Fatima made a complaint to Fretilin MPs at Parliament House, and then went to the National Hospital for treatment, before going to the Dili Police Headquarters to register his complaint.”
A defence spokesperson said the claims were not true.
She said the commander of the Joint Task Force 631 in Timor, Brigadier John Hutcheson, had spoken to the local media to refute the allegations.
“(He) has stepped out today to fully refute the claims,” she said.
“The allegations ... are completely baseless and false.”
Fretilin used the allegations to call in Parliament today for a review of Australia's military presence.
It claimed the incident was “one of a string of incidents of ADF maltreatment of civilians”.
According to Fretilin, the President of the Parliament, Fernando Lasama Araujo, referred the matter to a parliamentary committee.
Fretilin MP Estanislau da Silva said the time had come to re-evaluate the presence of Australian soldiers, to make sure a sentiment of hostility that was building against the defence force did not “manifest itself in negative ways”.
“We have to act to prevent this from occurring, as we have had a history of this occurring with occupying armies in the past,” Mr da Silva said.
Tradução da Margarida:
Soldados Australianos acusados de agredirem guarda civil
Artigo de: AAP
Por Jane Bunce
Outubro 18, 2007 01:28am
O Departamento da Defesa diz que alegações de que seis soldados Australianos agrediram um guarda de segurança Timorense não têm base e são falsas.
A Fretilin, o partido político Timorense que anteriormente perdeu o poder, contou hoje no Parlamento do país alegações de agressões que supostamente ocorreram no Domingo passado, 14 de Outubro.
O deputado da Fretilin Antoninho Bianco citou queixas feitas pelo guarda de segurança Abílio Fátima, de 41 anos, de que dois veículos da ADF contendo cerca de 12 soldados chegaram cerca das 10.30pm a um armazém do Governo em Kintal Bot, um subúrbio de Dili.
Seis soldados desmontaram e ordenaram a Fátima e a vizinhos com quem ele conversava para irem para dentro, de acordo com as alegações.
Fátima explicou através do intérprete dos soldados que estava de serviço e devia permanecer no seu posto.
Ele afirmou que foi atacado depois de ter perguntado porque é que os soldados estavam preocupados com cidadãos comuns em vez do soldado foragido amotinado Alfredo Reinado, que desertou das forças militares Timorenses no meio do desassossego político em 2006.
“O Sr Fátima alegou que depois de ter mencionado Reinado foi imediatamente agredido com os cabos das carabinas muitas vezes na cabeça, parte superior dos braços e costas, e que foi mordido na parte de cima do braço direito pelo cão de guarda de um soldado,” disse a Fretilin.
“Dois dos seus vizinhos foram também atacados e fugiram para as suas casas, mas o Sr Fátima ficou no seu posto.
“Na manhã seguinte, o Sr Fátima fez uma queixa a deputados da Fretilin no edifício do Parlamento e depois foi ao Hospital Nacional para tratamento, antes de ir ao Quartel da Polícia de Dili registar a sua queixa.”
Uma porta-voz da defesa diz que as queixas não são verdadeiras.
Disse que o comandante da Joint Task Force 631 em Timor, Brigadeirro John Hutcheson, tinha falado aos media locais para refutar as alegações.
“(Ele) avançou hoje a refutar totalmente as queixas,” disse ela.
“As alegações ... não tem qualquer base e são falsas.”
A Fretilin usou as alegações para pedir hoje no Parlamento a revisão da presença militar da Austrália.
Afirmou que o incidente foi “um duma fiada de incidente de mau tratamento da ADF a civis”.
De acordo com a Fretilin, o Presidente do Parlamento, Fernando Lasama Araújo, remeteu a matéria para uma comissão parlamentar.
O deputado da Fretilin Estanislau da Silva disse que chegara a altura de re-avaliar a presença dos soldados Australianos, para tornar certo que um sentimento de hostilidade se está a construir contra a força de defesa se não “manifeste ele próprio em maneiras negativas”.
“Temos de actuar para prevenir que isto ocorra, visto que tivemos uma história disto ter ocorrido com exércitos ocupantes no passado,” disse o Sr da Silva.
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 03:45
Obrigado pela solidariedade, Margarida!
Mensagem inicial - 16 de Maio de 2006
"Apesar de frágil, Timor-Leste é uma jovem democracia em que acreditamos. É o país que escolhemos para viver e trabalhar. Desde dia 28 de Abril muito se tem dito sobre a situação em Timor-Leste. Boatos, rumores, alertas, declarações de países estrangeiros, inocentes ou não, têm servido para transmitir um clima de conflito e insegurança que não corresponde ao que vivemos. Vamos tentar transmitir o que se passa aqui. Não o que ouvimos dizer... "